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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #22-25 - MAGA and Sorcerer. Pope Prevost and the US Administration (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 29 Aug 2025 09:40:29 +0300


As R.F. Prevost's pontificate begins, it is necessary to make some considerations regarding this first experience of governing the Catholic Church by a member of the North American clergy. A fundamental premise: the election of an American cardinal is a recognition of the importance of the American-made Church and reflects the specific weight the United States holds within the Catholic world and the ecclesiastical apparatus, considering that the United States represents the financial heart of Catholicism, ranks fourth in terms of Catholics in the world with approximately 62 million faithful, and ranks second, after Italy, in terms of the number of cardinal electors in the conclave. Let us therefore attempt to describe the characteristics of the North American clergy from which Prevost hails. To date, little has emerged about the current pontiff's orientation regarding doctrinal or political matters, so we will limit ourselves to retracing some of his biographical and pastoral career.

Prevost was born in Chicago, the son of European immigrants, with some Creole ancestry. A man of European descent, born and raised in the United States, he divided his life between the Americas and the Vatican, where he lived as General of the Augustinian Order for 12 years. A significant portion of his ecclesiastical experience, over two decades, was spent as a missionary in Peru. He served as Prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, one of the most important dicasteries in the Roman Curia, a key hub for selecting the ruling class. He was therefore a key figure in the Roman Curia, capable of representing a balance between the "Roman center" of the Church and the "decentralization" strongly accentuated by Bergoglio's appointments of cardinals from outside Italy and Europe. Translated into a language more akin to political mechanisms, a Vatican Dorothean. The conclave's choice therefore appears to have been oriented not exclusively toward the U.S.A. but toward both Americas. Apparently a new defeat for Eurocentrism, and especially for the Italocentrism of cardinals; but in reality, Prevost reestablishes the balance of alternation at the See of Peter, active since the 1960s, between a pontiff who comes from the Curia and one who comes from outside. This alternation has been occurring for decades and has been respected in this case as well.

There is no doubt that, politically, the conclave election of a pope born in Chicago but whose experience was formed as an Augustinian missionary in Peru is also an indirect response to contemporary US politics, marked by political messianism that sees Trump as America's savior. In recent decades, American Catholicism has always been politically and theologically more conservative. Indeed, for Steve Bannon, Trump's former strategist, the outcome of the conclave was more rigged than the 2020 election against Trump. According to Bannon, Prevost is the figure needed to counter the MAGA (Make America Great Again) movement: an un-American American, a missionary in Peru, and an opponent of Catholic traditionalism. Even more outspoken is Trumpian influencer Laura Loomer, who even called Leo XIV "a Marxist puppet."

The relationship between politics and Catholicism in the U.S. has changed profoundly in recent decades. In 1960, Kennedy proclaimed that he would not allow his faith to dictate his political line. The concept has now reversed: the new right recruits Catholics as such, preferably recently converted (as in the case of Vance), to fight left-wing radicals and liberals. The culture wars have now enlisted a Catholicism that has adapted to the long-standing trend of tele-preachers, whose function is to create electoral pools and mobilize opinion campaigns. In this all-out revival of faith as a political crusade, Vance, for example, presents himself as a new apostle, so much so that he has attempted to formulate a new ordo amoris, establishing a new hierarchy of Christian love. The Vice President states: "It's a concept that I think is very Christian, where you love your family and then you love your neighbor and then you love your community and then you love your fellow citizens, and then you can think about and prioritize the rest of the world: much of the far left has completely inverted that. (...) It's not a way to run a society." He continues: "America First doesn't mean hating everyone else, it means having leadership that puts the interests of American citizens first, just as the British prime minister should be concerned about the British and the French prime minister should be concerned about the French."The Vatican has taken a stand on this matter, and on February 10, it addressed a letter to the US bishops, citing the catechism: "Christian love is not a concentric expression of interests that gradually extend to other people and groups. The true ordo amoris is one that builds a brotherhood open to all without exception." This is one example among many; but the disputes between the Trump administration and the Vatican do not end here.

Prevost's choice is also a clear signal on the issue of immigration. A clear message had already been sent to Capitol Hill when, as prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, Prevost, in agreement with Bergoglio, had helped install Cardinal Robert Walter McElroy, a proponent of immigration policies, in Washington, coinciding with Trump's arrival-an unmistakable political signal.

This is the climate in Leo XIV's homeland, in a significant part of the Catholic world overseas. What we must avoid is playing the game that so enthralls the media: measuring the degree of conservatism or progressivism of ecclesiastical figures, often judged solely and exclusively by the resulting political conflicts. This game has been detrimental to Bergoglio, since the opposition to the right, especially on the issue of migrants, has determined much of the unconditional positive opinion the left has expressed of Bergoglio. We would not want this mechanism to repeat itself with Prevost, especially given the initial signs of the way the American Maga world welcomed his nomination as pope.

Finally, let us remember that from the very first days of his pontificate, Bergoglio made a sort of declaration of war, greatly amplified by the media, against the Roman Curia, which he called the "leprosy" of the papacy. This was the calling card with which Pope Francis made his debut and which likely earned him enormous popularity. But while these bombastic declarations received such media hype, they were equally empty in concrete terms, as nothing changed in the Curia during Bergoglio's pontificate. Indeed, over the years, individuals implicated in unedifying events or scandals were promoted. Just as Bergoglio's encyclicals Laudato si' and Amoris Laetitia, touted by both the Catholic and secular worlds as universal messages of harmony and peace, were deliberately ambiguous and failed to produce any concrete change. The goal was to pursue a communications strategy that ultimately proved successful, to announce a change that ultimately failed to materialize. We know that power cannot reform itself, cannot renounce its privileges, but only delude itself into thinking it intends to do so.

Daniele Ratti

https://umanitanova.org/maga-e-stregone-papa-prevost-e-lamministrazione-usa/
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