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(en) France, OCL CA #351 - An Austerity Budget (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Mon, 4 Aug 2025 09:00:45 +0300


The state budget represents approximately EUR1.5 trillion, if we combine the state budget and the social security budget (they are neither the same fund nor the same funding). GDP in 2023 was EUR2.8 trillion. The budget, including social security, therefore represents a little over half of France's wealth. It inevitably has significant economic consequences, regardless of the decisions made. Why are we talking about an austerity budget? Not only do public spending and revenues weigh heavily on the economy, but they also depend on it. Indeed, Parliament votes (if the government is willing to let it vote, which, with the intensive use of Article 49-3, is happening less and less frequently) on tax rates. We can only guess at what these rates will bring in, as it will depend on economic developments. Regarding Social Security, it's the same thing. The social security contribution rate is fixed, but if wages increase, so do revenues, and if unemployment increases or wages decrease, revenues will decrease. Therefore, the budget is not neutral with respect to economic developments, and at the same time, it is economic developments that will determine revenues and part of the expenditures.

Why do we talk about an austerity budget? If government spending increases faster than its revenue, it means that it injects more money into the economy than it takes in. It therefore promotes growth. If government coffers are in surplus (which fortunately almost never happens), it means that the government has taken in more money than it has spent, and therefore has slowed growth, or in the current situation, precipitated the crisis. From the moment the stated priority is deficit reduction, regardless of the method used, we can talk about an austerity budget, meaning that growth will inevitably take a hit, or rather, currently, a recession is looming. Obviously, we can lose on both counts. If the recession induced by budgetary austerity is too severe, revenue will be lower than expected and spending higher than expected, and therefore we will have both a recession and a worsening deficit. This is a near certainty for the times to come.

Moreover, the very structure of revenues is not economically neutral. Low-income households spend almost all of their income. The richest households save or invest the majority. However, normally, it is consumption that supports growth. If we want to revive an economy, a priori the most effective would be to help low-income households, provided that the economy is not too globalized (1). All tax policies in recent decades have consisted of reducing taxes for the richest. Taxes paid by businesses have also been reduced. The idea being that this would encourage investment, which again promotes growth. Except that large companies have clearly preferred to remunerate their shareholders, who are already sufficiently wealthy, rather than invest in an uncertain future. So the tax breaks have not translated into growth. Yet, it is these tax gifts that are one of the main causes of the worsening deficit.

The structure of spending also plays a role. Clearly, the two current priorities are aid to large corporations and savings for the poor. Since aid to businesses is not conditional on anything, unlike social assistance, businesses do what they want with it, for example, paying owners. So here again, the direction of state spending is not conducive to ending the crisis. Not to mention the financing of major harmful projects, which also seems to be a priority (using France Relance to finance nuclear power, for example). If we cut spending, it obviously involves restricting public services. However, these services are not limited to LBD shots fired by police officers and drones used for external operations. Restricting public services means that essential services such as health, education, mobility, etc., are gradually ceasing to be free, at least for a minimum level of quality. Reducing state spending therefore amounts to reducing the purchasing power of the majority.

We were clearly told that we couldn't raise taxes, it was confiscatory and bad for growth (really?) and that we had to limit spending and the French had to make an effort. So, yes, it's an austerity budget. While the forecast growth is stagnant, we're planning cost-cutting measures that will put people out of work, that will reduce the outlets in a certain number of markets, so the government is doing everything to worsen the crisis. Obviously, we wonder why. Greed (as Marx said, capitalists are ready to sell the rope to hang themselves), or would some people have an interest in the crisis?

This famous deficit
The public deficit was 170 billion euros in 2024, or 5.8% of GDP. This is as if someone earning 2,000 euros per month found themselves with an overdraft of 112 euros at the end of each month. In fact, this deficit would be greater without Social Security, which had a surplus of more than a billion (a surplus in free fall since 2023). So, of these 171 billion euros in reality, the deficit of the central government (because there are also local authorities) is 154 billion euros.
ATTAC estimates tax gifts to large companies and wealthy households (gradual reduction of the corporate tax rate, production taxes, implementation of the single flat-rate levy, replacement of the ISF with a tax on real estate wealth (IFI)...) at 207 billion euros over the period 2018/2023 (2). That's more than 41 billion a year of recoverable public deficit... How much is the government looking for already?

In addition, at the same time, public aid to businesses has increased: subsidies, loans, tax exemptions, social exemptions, tax credits, etc. For example, the France 2030 plan (initiated in 2021) plans to mobilize 54 billion euros, the France Relance plan (it is not the same, it dates from 2020) mobilized 100. The government itself recognizes that the amount of this aid is very difficult to estimate. Indeed, they are not all put in the same budget chapter, so everything must be taken again to see which measure is used for what for what amount. A review of expenditure by the General Inspectorate of Finance (IGF) estimates the amount of aid paid in 2022 by the State and Social Security at 88 billion euros, through approximately 380 schemes. The amount of aid paid by local public administrations is estimated at 7 billion euros in 2021 (3). That already makes 95 billion euros over one year... All this without counting European aid. A note from the Court of Auditors (July 2023) estimates the cost of state aid to businesses to deal with the crises of 2020 and 2022 at 92.4 billion euros. The document brings the total financial support to 260.4 billion euros. We can see that we are navigating in total uncertainty, but that the sums are downright very large.

Obviously, the effectiveness of all this is very rarely evaluated. And it's not with the reduction in operating budgets of the services that could be responsible for this evaluation that things are going to improve. "The French administrative organization does not provide for ministerial or interministerial bodies specifically responsible for monitoring and controlling state aid to businesses (...). The French system for evaluating public aid is therefore disparate and devoid of any monitoring and control body." I couldn't say it better than this parliamentary report published in... 1999! So it's not surprising that there are forced layoffs after receiving aid, possibly for job creation. It's perfectly legal.

The 2025 budget
The budget claims to reduce the deficit by 17.3 billion compared to 2024. Be careful, for 2024, this is not the projected deficit but the actual deficit, which we remember was 40 billion higher than the projected deficit; for 2025, this is a projected deficit that will certainly be largely exceeded. Indeed, if the economic consequences of this austerity budget, all in a global context that is uncertain to say the least, turn out to be more dramatic than officially predicted by the government (which claims it will straighten out France), the projected revenues will collapse.
How does it intend to do this? A contribution will still be requested from the largest companies (those with a turnover of more than one billion) as well as a small effort from the richest (those earning more than EUR20,000/month).

As we keep being told, in 2023, the top two items of public spending were social protection spending (41.0% of public spending) and health spending (15.6%). So, it seems logical to rein in spending on that side, doesn't it? Well, yeah, but it's still a bit odd to chase spending in the only fund that's in surplus (as we saw above)... Unless the idea was to privatize health and social protection, or to attack an important element of the standard of living of the exploited. This speech sets the general tone of this budget. The pseudo-balance of this budget is to say that we are asking for a contribution from the richest (but very small and temporary) and that in exchange the less wealthy, whose social security system is currently financially balanced, must tighten their belts so that the others don't pay too much tax. And down with the exploited, without any concern for consistency. For example, RSA recipients will have to register as unemployed, but we don't want to increase the budget of France Travail, which will have millions more people to "welcome." So, the first feature of this budget is social destruction. The more we assist the rich, the more the discourse must convince us that those on benefits are the poor who cost us an arm and a leg.

Then, the State tried to attack Local Authorities. The housing tax and the business tax were abolished a few years ago, yet they were their main source of income, along with the property tax. The State was supposed to compensate, which is an effective way to limit the autonomy of municipalities and departments. Your projects will be funded if they have the approval of the Prefect. Now he finds it too expensive.
Finally, a lot of ministries are being cut with an axe: culture, ecology, national education, health... The defense and interior budgets are increasing, as is the justice budget, very slightly. Given the foreseeable social consequences of this budget, this is understandable.

So in summary, firstly, this budget worsens the destruction of public services. We have a lot of criticism to make of the public service, which is first and foremost a repressive and normalizing apparatus, but we must understand that what is being destroyed now is the product of social conquests, and that this destruction represents a real amputation of purchasing power and a worrying development for the future. Schooling costs the State on average more than EUR8,000 per year per student. If, to lower taxes, we transfer the cost to parents, how many will be able to go beyond compulsory schooling? If we privatize while subsidizing the private sector, what will be the ideological orientation of the programs? Will it improve? The government proudly announces an increase in the education budget, it just forgets to specify that it is lower than inflation...
Secondly, when it claims to save on bureaucracy, it naturally does not eliminate private jets, petits fours, or lavish receptions. On the other hand, it closes or regroups services which are an obstacle (admittedly timid) to the freedom to undertake through their action on ecology, social safety nets, studies on the ecological and social impacts of projects requiring subsidies...
Finally, shareholders' money is only touched cosmetically, just enough to justify the vote of the PS, which in any case initiated this policy.

What future is taking shape?
It's always risky to embark on economic forecasts. But here, there's still relatively little risk of error in predicting at least a recession, layoffs, all with increasingly leaky social safety nets. France has suffered less socially from COVID than other countries thanks to its social protection. This is what the government is tackling.
One might dream that the crisis would at least slow the destruction of the planet. The government thought of this before us, and is trying to unravel the few safety nets in this area. And it has the police on hand just in case. So not only will we be asked to tighten our belts to remedy a deficit that will suddenly worsen, but we should also succeed in having a decrease in growth while accelerating the destruction of the planet.

Finally, of course, all of this is only possible with a worsening of authoritarianism. Whether with purely military means, whose budgets are increasing. Whether with ideological means, patriotism in these times of the sound of boots, and racism and xenophobia, it always has a better chance of working in times of crisis, and failing that, it monopolizes the political scene.
We can only oppose it with our solidarity. Whether we are for or against degrowth, it will be there for a part of the population. Perhaps this could be the opportunity to prefigure a daily organization resistant to this dark future. The defense of social protection requires solidarity with immigration, firstly to remind us that it is a social conquest and not a right linked to nationality, and secondly because immigration contributes significantly to the balance of the system. And of course, the fight against layoffs cannot allow itself to be weakened by racist divisions.

Sylvie

Unless otherwise indicated, figures are taken from the INSEE website.

Notes
1. In this case, and this is what happened after 1981, the improvement in purchasing power can result in an increase in imports rather than a recovery.
2. The debt of fiscal injustice, Report 03/25, ATTAC and CADTM, available free of charge on the internet
3. Government sources. Public aid to businesses: an inventory, La documentation française, September 17, 2024, available free of charge on the internet

http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4476
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