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(en) Greece, protaanka: Placement at the "organizing anarchists" event (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Sat, 16 Mar 2024 09:27:22 +0200
On Friday, March 1st, we attended as guest speakers, together with the
Peloto collective from Xanthi, the event organized by the Underground
Ilisos collective for the "organization of anarchists" at ASOEE. The
event took place on the occasion of the organizational proposal that the
Underground Ilisos collective has made public since the summer of 2023.
From our side, we would like to thank again for the invitation of the
comrades/equals to position ourselves at the event and underline, as we
did in from our introduction, that the organizational perspective of the
anarchist movement is a bet of historical importance and presupposes
political transcendence, which is only possible through the struggle and
the building of a new kinetic pole that will move dynamically in the
direction of organizational and political upgrading to win it.
Here is our pitch-introduction.
First, we would like to thank the organizing collective of "Underground
Ilisos" for inviting us to be speakers at today's event. We would also
like to greet the collective "Peloto" from Xanthi and of course all the
attendees.
The issue of the anarchist organization that we will discuss today is
crucial for us. It is a question of historical, but also existential
importance for anarchism and its historical perspective. The history of
both revolutionary movements in general, and the anarchist movement in
particular, has proven that without organization we can achieve nothing.
We cannot propose a revolutionary program of overthrow structured in
small groups autonomous from each other or open assemblies / flares, nor
convince of the justice of our ideas and agendas, nor with our action
cause a serious crack in bourgeois domination and ideology. We need
organization to have a revolutionary political strategy, we need
organization to be effective and implement anarchist ideas.
The centrality of the organizational issue, imposes political
seriousness and political responsibility for its approach. Every new
organizational effort in the present and in the future should step on
solid ground, know where it is marching and for what purposes, be the
product of an integrated and perfect campaign and strategic plan.
We do not have the luxury, based on kinetic, but especially, social and
class reality, neither for experimentation nor for failures that will
further and perhaps irreparably damage the organizational perspective of
the anarchist movement.
The prevailing trend inside our political space has been informalism for
decades and it is a trend deeply rooted and accepted by almost everyone.
Not the informalism of "rebellious anarchism" or the nihilists. We are
talking about the informalism that is not based on any theoretical
scheme or conscious tactical choice, but is established as a "natural
reality" of the anarchist space that is learned as the "normality" by
the new comrades and is reproduced from generation to generation: the
informalism of the fragmented groups and unorganized individuals who
simply "follow" the calls of the former. The informality of
opportunistic partnerships without agreements and common goals. The
informality of thematic "open assemblies".
A "model" in short, flimsy, which has no relevance to the organizational
agenda of anarchists. Which works at times beneficially due to the
ability to mobilize and stimulate enthusiasm because it invites an
action that is immediate (but which the majority usually does not
co-shape) but without political and strategic bases looking beyond.
After all, if this direct action with the (usually) contradictory or
imposed political frameworks that is put forward as the "effective"
advantage of informalism and open assemblies, came from fermented and
organized forces, it would be much stronger and achieve much more. So
let's think beyond easy solutions and prescriptions that our movement
has not managed to do on a mass basis.
This lying 'model' most of us have served, as much as it prides itself
on its reflexes, ultimately fosters the incoherence of individuals who
simply respond rather than collectivize, delegation, lack of commitment
and constant revolutionary recruitment in the struggle and with
mathematical precision leads to the privatization and disappointment of
most of those who approach us over the years and see that "nothing changes".
The latter should concern us all. It is not enough to assign individual
responsibility and damn those who quit. We should look at the root
causes. Do the majority of those who organize in the anarchist movement
do so politically consciously or are they fascinated by "anti-cultures",
"lifestyles", anti-social posturing and alternative socialization that
ultimately have nothing to do with anarchism? Are "open calls" organized
or followed? Do they have knowledge of our ideology? Do they have
knowledge of the stations in the history of anarchism? Do they have real
theoretical and political agreements with the political anarchist forces
that exist? Are they really mobilizing for the revolutionary overthrow
of the system? Do they perceive as a realistic prospect the
reconstruction of society without a state and with the wealth in the
hands of those who produce it?
If the answers show that there is a "problem" then we need to see what
we are doing wrong. We should look at the structure of our political
space, we should look at our way of organization, we should look at our
strategy. Without saying "it's hard" and without putting up with the
"and wherever it goes" situation.
We know that the organizational upgrade of the anarchist forces and the
formation of a mass anarchist political organization is a difficult
process and a process at the same time "breakthrough" that should come
into confrontation with the established condition that we mentioned
within the anarchist space in Greece. But in no way is it an unfeasible
process or a "waste of time" from the immediate necessities of the
struggle as naively some will support or even fraudulently others,
because without the "followers" of informalism they cannot develop any
autonomous action or strategy. On the contrary, organization is not a
theoretical project or an indefinite for the future: it is a condition
for us to be effective even in the immediate struggles. For them to be a
springboard for the revolutionary perspective and not for
disappointments due to their inability to meet the demands of the times.
The position of anarchist comrades and comrades in the enormous social
and class challenges before us cannot be other than that of the
protagonist. The vanguard of the struggles, the position in the vanguard
of a revolutionary movement that will attempt to overthrow capitalism
and the state . The goal is achievable, but we will have to make
political decisions.
It is not possible, comrades and comrades, to be the tail of the left in
the street, in the trade unions, in the universities, in the social
movements and think that this way we will increase our strength. We
can't be queuers, just a "fussy" voice of protest on the sidelines of
the games. It is not only bad positions and analyzes that are to blame
for our entrapment, nor the de-ideologicalization of anarchism by
external influences, either by liberalism or by Marxism. These political
positions and these ideological influences come from time to time
because they find the ground to flourish in the problematic reality of
our space. Why do we have theoretical and strategic deficits, why do we
not have a mass political body, why do we suffer from a lack of
ideological and historical identity, why do we organize in autonomous
groups/collectivities that cannot, by their nature, constitute a
multifaceted political organization that will overcome political
opponents and it will rearrange the power relationships. Thus, anarchist
space becomes digestible.
To move to another situation we must start with the question of whether
we want an anarchist movement that plays a catalytic political and
revolutionary role, inspires and fights for the triumph and victory of
its agendas or an anarchist space that is conflictual, but without class
and social bases and simply a "follow-up" of developments. If we want
the second, simply to "move" and "act" and "whatever comes out" then
nothing needs to change. If we want the former, we will have to organize
and develop a strategic and revolutionary program.
However, in order not to fly into the clouds, we should also ask
ourselves: is there the data to start now, processes, organizational
meetings and pre-conference dialogue planning, for a new anarchist
organization? We believe no, no matter how much it saddens us.
10 years ago another organizational effort met dead ends while the
kinematic data were better, the "space" more massive, the level of the
class struggle in a higher phase. And it was 4 collectives fermented
through agreements, solid intercollegiate collaborations and years of
competition, that started it. And yet there was a split despite enormous
efforts, and today the organizational trend within the anarchist space
is weaker than ever.
With these findings, we do not want to spread pessimism among those who
believe that we can start such an effort now, nor to identify different
models of organization with each other. We will be there, in every
endeavor that has perspective, to contribute. But as we mentioned above,
we cannot afford to fail.
If we believe, even for a moment, that overcoming informalism and the
emergence of a new cinematic perspective is a matter of fast-track
processes, not only will he swallow us, but he will also laugh at the
crap of our tendency. The organizational perspective of the anarchist
movement should be built step by step and in an ideological and
political break with the informalist gangrene. For the formation of a
new anarchist organization, good intentions are not enough, nor just
theoretical agreements. There should be intersections and the way of
organization should be paved through hard and tireless effort. First of
all through the fight.
The comrades and comrades, the collectives, those of us anxious for the
organization of anarchism and its leading emergence in the class and
political struggle, we should immediately form a new kinetic pole with a
clear ideological identity, historical consciousness of our movement,
with elaborated positions and specific tactical and strategic objectives
and to sidestep the struggle. Let us throw ourselves wholeheartedly into
him. Only in this way, will it be possible to create the conditions for
political and organizational leaps and only in this way will we be able
to proceed steadily and organized in the formation of a new, anarchist
organization. The conditions for it will be built through competitive
alliances. They will be built on general strikes, student mobilizations,
roadblocks. They will be built from competitive initiatives, from the
creation of structures, through multifaceted activities, both before and
alongside the start of an organized pre-conference dialogue.
Creating an organization is not a technical process. It is not enough to
find a general framework of theoretical agreements and to proceed
directly discussing its structure, the pre-congress stages before the
foundation, etc. some groups and some comrades. We should contribute to
the development of a dynamic current that will move there and work out
the founding steps based on a well-organized political and procedural
plan. Mainly, we have to see what this organization will do, how it will
act, what we want its offer to be in the political and class struggle.
And at the same time let's act together while we talk. We will say it
again: we will not build organization in theoretical greenhouses and
events. We will build the organizational perspective of the anarchist
movement by "dirtying the shirt" in the struggle.
Historically, revolutionary organizations are not born from events,
dialogue forums and philosophical debates outside the furnace of
struggle. All of these are necessary to ferment and record our opinions.
But they are not enough. Those of us who talk about organization should
produce work, problematize comrades and comrades, criticize dead-end
informalism, not from the outside and from above, but through practical
examples of organization and struggle. To contribute to the renewal of
the lines of the movement through our daily social and class work,
through our actions and speech. Otherwise we will make a hole in the
void, we will talk about "organization" and "needs" meeting a wall and
indifference and the years will pass with the anarchist movement
becoming more and more powerless.
We say this, wanting to trouble both the comrades and comrades with whom
we disagree and whose organization is not a priority, as well as those
who, like us, worry about the organizational perspective of our
political movement.
At this point, we will briefly try to answer the three axes that the
comrades and comrades of Underground Ilissos have set for tonight's
event and submit our own reasoning and our own proposals on them.
1st, Why the existence of special anarchist groups is necessary.
"Organizations" will be filled in by us. Although it is impossible to
develop a theoretical and historical foundation in the time available,
we will repeat that without organization we can achieve nothing. The
formation of special anarchist organizations has been a strategic choice
of the anarchist movement since the beginning of its birth, from the
time of the Bakunic Alliance. And we mean, the distinct, special
anarchist political organization and not the organization e.g. in
associations or neighborhood assemblies.
We anarchists must organize based on our political identity because
otherwise, if e.g. assimilate without it into class and social
movements, we will lose the battle in the ideological war to our
opponents, who will be even more organized and will enter them with a
strategy to dominate them authoritatively. If the spontaneous movement
of the class struggle was sufficient for the revolutionary transition,
then we would not need organized action on the basis of our political
identity as anarchists. But the class struggle has proven the necessity
of organizational dualism, that is, organization both on a purely
political level and on a social and class level. It is necessary, as
Bakunin said, to combine the popular instinct with the revolutionary
idea in order to have a revolution.
Anarchism is a specific class and revolutionary ideology and seeks
through the organizational structure the most suitable and effective
"vehicle" to implement its proposals through a collectively common
strategy and practice. And this, only purely anarchist organizations can
achieve.
2nd, How can groups upgrade their organization,
We believe that the issue is not so much in upgrading the teams, e.g. to
a new secondary federation, as much as to the transcendence of the
kinship group model itself. This model has been outdated and, among
other things, the political groups that exist today are few and there
are no agreements to proceed with federalization.
We are not in the pre-revolutionary Spain of the hundreds of anarchist
groups united in the FAI but in the Greece of 2024 and a peculiar
political space.
Anarchist groups, bad lies, we operate as autonomous cinematic
microcosms either within the reality of "space" or through the
implementation of our own distinct political agenda. Also, the
autonomous anarchist groups, with their codes and habits, with the small
number of ideologically related members and the closedness that they
possess, can hardly respond to such a political body, as recent history
itself has shown. A federation of collectivities will inevitably end up
in an ideological-political jumble that will eventually function
informally or in a closed ideological formation of a few groups. In the
first case it will be split or dissolved, in the second it will be
condemned to "low flights". Neither in the first nor in the second
version will it be possible to achieve long-term goals.
A new political body must be built on other foundations. Our own view,
which we will only outline today, is that the anarchist organization
should be spread over every city, every suburb, every region. Its
primary nuclei, clustered e.g. in Liberal Social Centers, it should be
the area cores, which will be united federally at the suburban and city
level, while a higher-level political council from the lower
representatives, should have the role of unifying interconnection of the
entire organization (creating sectors, infrastructures, directing its
communication organs, its central action, etc.). The organization should
have action both at the level of regions, which will be developed by its
nuclei without central accountability, and central action, which will
feed the central body (that is, all the nuclei through their
representatives). In order not to create "confusions" and because the
parenthesis may not be enough by itself, let's say that by "central
body" we do not mean an "external" body, but the political council we
mentioned, which will be made up of the representatives of the cores and
of the regions of the organization.
The bet of such an organization, in our opinion, is to have daily action
on all fronts. To work out methods of propaganda, to be constantly in
the places of work, in the places of study, in the neighborhoods, in the
matches. To develop effective communication instruments (publications,
newspapers, information mechanisms), to establish libertarian centers,
libraries, training and struggle structures everywhere, to plan the
strategy of the social penetration of anarchists into trade unionism,
universities, popular assemblies, not on terms of the upper hegemony,
but in terms of organized intervention with the exact aim of pushing the
movements in a libertarian and unguarded direction.
The anarchist organization should work out a workable revolutionary
program of social transition from capitalism and the state to classless
society. Based on the possibilities of the time and to graft it into
society. This will be her strategic guide in daily struggles, her
compass for the Social Revolution.
3rd What is necessary for the intervention of anarchist forces in social
movements to be effective.
In this formulation we would like to point out an important absence, the
reference to class struggles and the labor movement. Of course, we do
not disparage all social demand or rights movements that appear from
time to time. It is imperative that anarchists participate in them, to
promote our own positions and proposals, to criticize many times, to
fight for the justification and upgrading of their demands. To promote
their interconnection with the broader revolutionary movement.
Nevertheless, there are also social movements whose osmosis needs attention.
In this regard, in order for anarchism to be a catalytic factor in the
daily class struggle, the existence of a common strategy oriented in
this direction is necessary in the workers' organizations and social
movements. This common strategy can only be implemented by an anarchist
political organization that, through a coherent analysis of reality
based on common ideological and political principles and positions, will
be able to undertake the historic task of being a crucial aid for the
unguarded development of class and social movements and races. Its
members must join the unions, take the lead in creating new ones, fight
for the establishment of a class-based Free Labor Confederation. In the
same way, in universities, in popular assemblies, in projects to
socialize land and buildings, anarchists must be in the forefront.
In closing, we must underline that the basic strategy of anarchists
should always be the interconnection and totalization of the individual,
the struggle for the unification of all claims, all ventures, all
struggles, in the direction of the revolutionary perspective. Against
all reformism, against logics of "islands of freedom", against logics of
alternative forms of survival with the state and capital in the fireproof.
Comrades, this debate is big and our responsibilities are huge. We
invite everyone to common struggles, to common processes, to solid
cooperation, in order to co-shape the terms of the political
counter-attack and the organization of our movement. With the heart and
eyes set on Social Revolution and Anarchy.
INITIATIVE OF ANARCHIST SAINTS OF ARANGYRO-KAMATERO
https://protaanka.espivblogs.net/2024/03/03/topothetisi-stin-ekdilosi-gia-tin-quot-organosi-ton-anarchikon-quot/
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