A - I n f o s

a multi-lingual news service by, for, and about anarchists **
News in all languages
Last 30 posts (Homepage) Last two weeks' posts Our archives of old posts

The last 100 posts, according to language
Greek_ 中文 Chinese_ Castellano_ Catalan_ Deutsch_ Nederlands_ English_ Francais_ Italiano_ Polski_ Português_ Russkyi_ Suomi_ Svenska_ Türkurkish_ The.Supplement

The First Few Lines of The Last 10 posts in:
Castellano_ Deutsch_ Nederlands_ English_ Français_ Italiano_ Polski_ Português_ Russkyi_ Suomi_ Svenska_ Türkçe_
First few lines of all posts of last 24 hours

Links to indexes of first few lines of all posts of past 30 days | of 2002 | of 2003 | of 2004 | of 2005 | of 2006 | of 2007 | of 2008 | of 2009 | of 2010 | of 2011 | of 2012 | of 2013 | of 2014 | of 2015 | of 2016 | of 2017 | of 2018 | of 2019 | of 2020 | of 2021 | of 2022 | of 2023 | of 2024

Syndication Of A-Infos - including RDF - How to Syndicate A-Infos
Subscribe to the a-infos newsgroups

(en) Sicilia Libertaria: Relativism: Legal pluralism: the Mexican case (3) (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 2 Feb 2024 10:25:33 +0200


In the latest issues of Sicilia libertaria we have been interested in "legal relativism", reflecting on some cases of contradiction between Italian legal norms and the normative experiences of emigrants coming from countries or cultures with different traditional or formal norms and in clear contrast with the Italian ones; see the case of forced marriages which have also produced violence and deaths, always female. Since these were individual cases, we asked ourselves what was happening in those countries where, in addition to state norms, there are also particular norms produced by ethnic groups within local states. For this reason, we have dealt with countries such as Venezuela and Bolivia, with an indigenous presence and whose constitutions, which are cutting edge in terms of human and cultural rights (at least on paper), include the recognition of local legal norms and, in part, they command their respect. We have seen that, unfortunately, these constitutions imposed a limit on this recognition: that local rules did not contradict the dominant state ones. Evidently, the totalitarian form of the bourgeois state, even when it claims to respect the so-called minorities, and they are not always so, at least numerically, cannot afford the luxury of completely accepting a relativism that would open the floodgates of its radical crisis. On the other hand, the historical political weakness of the indigenous peoples, clearly due to genocide and continued social and cultural repression, has not allowed them to have sufficient strength to impose themselves, except in cases of armed rebellion. And when they did it politically, as in the case of Bolivia, they had to mediate with the strong non-indigenous economic powers and accept the form of the traditional state.

However, there is at least one example in which these processes took place differently: the Mexican case. Located in Central America, Mexico, official name "United Mexican States", is a country of large territorial extension (almost two million kilometres, more than six times the size of Italy) with a population of approximately one hundred and thirty million individuals, of which approximately twenty million self-recognize as such, even if only twelve million live in communities and territories recognized as indigenous by the state, being able to identify around seventy ethnic groups, each with its own language and culture, including traditional legal forms. Even if these are high demographic numbers, it is necessary to clarify that at the beginning of the twentieth century more than half of the Mexican population was indigenous and even one of them, the Zapotec Benito Juárez, had been president of the republic in the mid-nineteenth century. Unfortunately, his successors were strongly anti-indigenous, so much so that at the beginning of the twentieth century many indigenous people joined the revolutionary movement led by Emiliano Zapata. The constitution of 1916 was the result of this rebellion, even if the "modernization" of the country during this century marginalized indigenous participation, without ever managing to extinguish the drive for rebellion, sometimes even armed. Precisely this continuous tension with the central state, associated with a greater sensitivity of non-indigenous groups and international institutions, such as the UN and the ILO, has allowed, from the nineties of the last century onwards, important constitutional changes in relation to the Mexican indigenous peoples , particularly with the amendments to the second article in 2014.

The current constitution already declares in its first article that any ethnic discrimination is prohibited, while in the second, entirely dedicated to indigenous peoples, it reaffirms the pluricultural character of the state. Going beyond old models based on biology, it proclaims that ethnic belonging must be based on everyone's decision: "Awareness of one's indigenous identity must be a fundamental criterion for determining to whom the provisions on indigenous peoples apply." This principle is associated with that of autonomy, both in the management of social life and in the form of election of the leaders of each community, following "the proper forms of internal government". The same principle also applies to the administration of justice: "Apply its own regulatory systems in the regulation and resolution of its own internal conflicts, subject to the general principles of this Constitution, respecting individual guarantees, human rights and, above all, dignity and the integrity of women" (Article 2).

Even if the limitation given by the need not to contradict the very constitution of which the cited article is part continues to appear, as we have seen in other Latin American constitutions, in practice we find ourselves faced with a different reality from those we have already occupied: the right to the Right!

The legal figure that allowed the implementation of this right to have its own legal forms was that of the "Indigenous Municipal Courts" (juzgados comunes indígenas). These are legal systems that theoretically apply traditional indigenous rules, also proceeding with their formalization, inserted into the local legal system of each state (Mexico is a federation of states). In this way, these municipal courts began to be created in states with a greater indigenous presence, such as Campeche or Chiapas, among others. For example, in the state of Puebla, six have been established, while in Quintana Roo, a territory with a strong Mayan presence, seventeen. As in other cases, their function consists in resolving criminal, civil, family disputes, with value only within the indigenous community or territory of their competence, without power over the non-indigenous populations present in the same territory, for whom justice applies. general of the state. In case of disputes between natives and non-natives, a mixed forum is constituted.

In general, even with the foreseeable contradictions, the "indigenous municipal courts" have worked relatively well, even if accompanied by controversies from non-indigenous jurists and lawyers, convinced that their very presence limits the prerogatives of the federal state. Behind this resistance to accepting the existence of a legal pluralism there are clear right-wing ideologies and parties (such as: a state, a culture, a language), even if there is no lack of implicit and even explicit support from figures and parties who claim to left. Not being able to eliminate these experiences of indigenous autonomy, supported by the dictates of the constitution, the central and local state institutions attempt to erode the space of the indigenous courts, perceiving their convening power and, above all, the symbolic value they have acquired, reducing the asymmetry in the relationships that indigenous peoples have historically had with the state. In this sense, for indigenous organizations, mediators between the population at large and the state, indigenous courts are a space of resistance and, at the same time, of the production of power. This can be clearly perceived particularly in the case of the Zapatista revolt in the Lacandona jungle in Chiapas, where social autonomy and resistance to state penetration have created "liberated spaces" and autonomous management. We will deal with this in our next intervention on the topic of legal pluralism.

(For further information: Aragón Andrade, Orlando (2010): "El pluralismo jurídico en los juzgados municipales de Michoacán. Una propuesta teórica para su estudio". Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital, v. 6, n. 9, pp. 155-179 (http://redalyc.uaemex.mx/src/inicio/ArtPdfRed.jsp?iCve=90616141007); Buenrostro Alba, Manuel (2014): "Justicia y derecho entre los mayas de Quintana Roo". Diario De Campo, n. 4-5, pp. 63-69 (https://revistas.inah.gob.mx/index.php/diariodecampo/article/view/5725).

Emanuele Amodio

https://www.sicilialibertaria.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en
A-Infos Information Center