A-Infos (en) France, OCL CA #337 - Trade unionism, European movement against austerity: After the failure of the Eurodemonstrations, how to bounce back? (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

In a context of particularly violent inflation for workers in Europe, 
the European Trade Union Confederation (CES) launched a mobilization 
campaign against austerity from October to December 2023. An expected 
failure which prompts us to question the internationalist strategy of 
the CGT. ---- Despite a date announced well in advance and prepared by 
an entire French union, the wage strike of October 13, 2023 will have 
brought together only 200,000 people throughout France. A figure well 
below the millions who took to the streets to defend their pensions a 
few months earlier.

It must be said that if the question of wages is central in the lives of 
employees, it was difficult to convince colleagues to go on strike on an 
isolated day, without an understandable strategy on the part of the 
inter-union. Unsurprisingly, the strike did not take hold. As a result, 
smaller demonstrations followed, mainly bringing together the usual 
union activists.

Worse still, the workers of France were the only ones to have responded 
with a strike to the ETUC's call for mobilization. Ultimately, the only 
notable international element of this mobilization was the presence in 
Paris of a thousand delegates - claimed - from non-French union 
confederations.

Two months later, the Brussels Eurodemonstration was not much more 
impressive, although a significant number of French trade unionists made 
the trip: of the 15,000 demonstrators, the CGT claimed the movement of 
3,000 of its members. members. A dynamic to put into perspective with 
the weak presence of other French unions (200 CFDT demonstrators 
according to our activists).

As for the other unions, their presence was anecdotal at best. We mainly 
note the presence of the CGIL (Italy), the FGTB (Belgium) and the CSC 
(also Belgium), the only class collaboration union organization which 
really mobilized (by playing at home).

The limits of the ETUC
If this demonstration was therefore mainly a testimony of anger, it 
still made it possible to strengthen the links between trade unionists 
from different countries. For example, we were able to attend a moment 
of camaraderie between Belgian and French construction workers, 
organized in the premises of the FGTB construction federation.

Another scene of union, the exchange of flags or goodies between 
different countries was commonplace. If these moments of meeting and 
exchange are essential to the construction of class solidarity on a 
European scale, they were unfortunately part of a demonstration that was 
lost in advance.

Let us say it bluntly: these two mobilizations have changed nothing in 
the balance of power with the European bourgeoisie. The European 
Parliament did indeed vote for the austerity plan on January 17. Based 
on the institutional calendar, these two dates are in line with the 
ETUC's lobbying strategy: October 13 like December 12, no call for 
strike at European level!

Under these conditions, the Brussels demonstration in the middle of the 
week was nothing other than a parade of activists with trade union 
rights. This belief in social dialogue with European institutions 
amounts to trade unionists believing in Santa Claus in the face of a 
radicalized bourgeoisie.

Built in the 1970s by class collaboration unions, it was only later 
joined by more combative unions (CGT, CGIL). If they seek to build a 
culture of balance of power, the majority orientation of the ETUC is 
still that of co-management with European capitalism.

From Eurodemonstrations to Eurostrikes?
How can we build a framework capable of creating a balance of power 
against the bourgeoisie and the European institutions? How to move from 
Eurodemonstrations to Eurostrikes? Faced with the soft lobbyists of the 
ETUC, some would like a return of the CGT to the World Federation of 
Trade Unions (WFTU). The latter, a survival of the Soviet bloc, is in 
reality no more radical than its competitor.

It is very weak when it comes to denouncing the Iranian, North Korean or 
Syrian dictatorships, whose "unions" which constitute it are rather 
organizations supervising the working class in the service of power. No 
future for the CGT in this dusty relic of the USSR!

But how can we overcome this CES/FSM divide which appears at every 
confederal congress? Two perspectives come up often. The first, whose 
realism is up for debate, would like to build a new international tool 
around the CGT. This is, for example, the bet undertaken for its part by 
Solidaires, which was able to participate in the construction of an 
alternative unionism capable of initiatives (such as material support 
for workers in Ukraine), but which remains marginal.

If the CGT would probably be able to take with it a few combative 
European unions, this framework would also risk remaining in the 
minority. The second, the current strategy of the confederal leadership, 
would like to change the ETUC from the inside. Starting from this tool 
anchored in the masses (45 million members) is tempting, but as long as 
the CGT remains in the minority, it risks only serving as a reservoir of 
activists when the class collaboration unions keep some. political control.

This question is central for revolutionary trade unionists for whom the 
construction of European and international class solidarity is 
essential. It's up to us to keep this debate alive in our unions and 
local unions so that the CGT adopts a strategy that meets the challenge!

Thomas and Pierre (UCL Grenoble)

http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4092
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