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(en) France, OCL CA #336 - An unjust and openly discriminatory law (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Sun, 17 Mar 2024 08:23:12 +0200
The "immigration" law, after a long series, full of adventures and
sordid bargaining, resulted in an ignominious text which "calls into
question fundamental rights and seriously undermines the principles of
equality and non-discrimination" ( Defender of rights). ---- The law's
journey has been chaotic. First the Senate, which tightened, on November
14, the already very repressive measures of the initial project carried
by Darmanin ( see article in CA n°335 ); then the law commission of the
National Assembly; then, in the Assembly, the vote on a motion of
rejection, leading to the Macronian choice to set up a joint joint
committee; this presented, unsurprisingly, a version almost identical to
that of the Senate. The law was finally passed in the National Assembly
on December 19; the elected LR and RN added their unanimous voices to
those of the government troops, who suffered some defections. All that
remains is for the text to make a brief appearance before the
Constitutional Council, at the request of Macron himself (see box), and
of left-wing elected officials.
Regressions and attacks against exiles.
The list of attacks contained in the law is long.
Parliament votes on annual immigration quotas
Reinstatement of the offense of illegal residence, with placement in
police custody and payment of a fine of EUR3,750.
Requirement of a minimum level (however increased) of French to obtain a
multi-year residence permit.
Restriction of access to reduced transport fares for undocumented
immigrants.
Conditioning of access to social benefits - family allowances,
personalized autonomy allowance (APA) (1), enforceable right to housing
(Dalo) - to 5 years of regular stay, instead of 6 months currently, for
those who do not work, and 2 and a half years for the others (2). This
is the introduction into the law of "national preference" (3). Thus, for
several years, people, because they are foreigners, will not be able to
benefit from what is financed by their taxes and contributions. To
receive personalized housing assistance (APL), you will need three
months of professional activity or five years of residence.
Exclusion of undocumented immigrants from emergency accommodation; which
calls into question the principle of unconditionality of emergency
accommodation
Restrictions on family reunification (already very difficult to obtain
today), which undermines respect for private and family life: an
extension to two years, instead of 18 months today, of the residence
period to benefit from it; the requirement that the spouse abroad knows
French, that they be at least 21 years old rather than 18 today
Tightening of the conditions for extra-community student immigration:
compulsory payment of a deposit, which is added to the increase in
registration fees; which is a blatant inequality of treatment
Restriction of conditions for obtaining a residence permit for sick
foreigners
Questioning the automaticity of land law (4). A child born in France to
foreign parents must demonstrate their "will" to become French between
the ages of 16 and 18. In Mayotte, one of the parents must have stayed
regularly for one year (instead of 3 months) for the child born in this
territory to acquire nationality upon reaching the age of majority.
End of protections against removal from which certain foreigners benefit
for private and family life - in particular those who arrived in France
before the age of 13
Strengthening of expulsion measures: thus the withdrawal of a residence
permit may be subject to an obligation to leave French territory (OQTF)
after a conviction for acts punishable by five years in prison, even if
the conviction is lower. It is the same for acts of "threat to public
order" or "non-respect of the values of the Republic" (sic!) - yet
little respected by the rulers themselves... -
Possibility of detaining asylum seekers at the border, serious violation
of the right to asylum
Reinforcement of double punishment (addition of an expulsion measure or
ban on returning to the territory (IRTF) to a criminal conviction)
Acceleration of the processing of asylum applications; the shortening of
appeal deadlines complicates access to the judge.
Establishment of discounted, discriminatory and more expeditious
justice: generalization of a single judge in the National Court of
Asylum (CNDA), to the detriment of collegial formations of three judges;
remote or videoconference hearings to judge the appeals of foreigners
placed in administrative detention in CRA centers
Increase in the number of places in these administrative detention centers
The case of State medical aid (AME) (5) was left unresolved. Yielding to
the LR ultimatum, Borne promised in writing to the President of the
Senate to reform it from the beginning of 2024. For his part, Darmanin
committed, also in writing, in a letter to the boss of the LR, to that
"everything is done to ensure that the deadlines for creating new CRA
places are accelerated as much as possible".
As for the "regularization through work" component, it has been reduced
to a trickle... Measures that were, however, very unfavorable,
disappeared under pressure from the LR. The president of Medef may well
reaffirm the utilitarian arguments of the bosses, and recall the
importance of a "massive" contribution of foreign workers to keep the
economy running, we must believe that undocumented labor , therefore
without rights and under administrative pressure, is much more
interesting because it is more easily exploitable, forced and disposable.
The article voted in the new law will only apply until December 2026;
the residence permit will be issued "exceptionally" to undocumented
workers, at the discretion of the prefects, and therefore unequally
depending on the territory. The measure is even more restrictive than
the Valls circular of 2012 because it only applies to employees in
so-called "shortage" professions, in need of labor (6). The text also
provides that the employee must have been present in the territory for 3
years and provide 12 pay slips. They must have a clean criminal record (7).
This law will in no way facilitate regularization through work. It
should also be noted that the hundreds of undocumented workers who,
thanks to their strike launched several months ago, forced their
employers to give them all proof of their work, are still not regularized.
By making the possibilities of regularization and access to rights ever
more difficult, this law further mistreats foreigners. The life of
exiles in France, already extremely precarious, will be made hellish.
This is what Darmanin wanted, who spoke of making the lives of
"irregular" migrants "impossible". Furthermore, this reform is a further
step in undermining the principles governing the social protection
system, in particular equal rights or universality. And this
deterioration risks being followed by other, even much worse stages. The
degradation of the rights of foreigners prepares for the degradation of
the rights of all.
The issues and effects of the law
Leaders and elected officials are completely disinterested in the living
conditions of migrants, only considering them as intruders who must be
"protected". Moreover, during the tortuous process which preceded the
vote on the law, the exiles were kept completely away from the debates
which primarily concerned them. They have been used for political and
ideological issues of which they are the victims. Behind their backs,
sordid negotiations and bargaining took place between the executive and
the entire right for a text which flouts fundamental rights, flirts
without scruples with the long-held positions of the extreme right,
totally assumed by the government.
More than the measures decreed in the law, what counts for its
protagonists are the "communication" and the ideological display which
accompany them: it is a question of making people believe that there is
"an immigration problem in France», that it must be "discouraged" by
being "firm". Darmanin even held a brilliant line of reasoning about the
government's strategic line: making Le Pen (even harder, even, since he
finds it "too soft") to better cut the grass from under the feet of the
RN; a strategy which in fact reinforces the RN in its position as a
party with acceptable ideas and therefore likely to be brought to power.
For years, migrants have been harassed, mistreated, exploited and
deprived of rights. This law, like the previous ones, is not only unjust
and inhumane but it will also be ineffective, even counterproductive,
with regard to the objectives stated by its defenders.
It will not reduce the inevitable movement of migration; these have
always existed and they will increase in the coming decades, taking into
account the capitalist system which, to increase the profits of the
powerful, maintains and accentuates a destructive growth of life,
exploits humans and resources, causes inequalities and oppression,
generates wars, pushes millions of people to flee their country to seek
refuge at the risk of their lives. And it is not because we offer
unworthy reception conditions that the exiles do not come.
This law will not help integration in any way; on the contrary, it will
slow it down by adding ever more obstacles to the migration route; and
it will make racist and xenophobic prejudices flourish.
It will not reduce the number of undocumented people; on the contrary,
it will increase in the absence of possibilities for regularization.
What will change, however, is the even greater degree of repression,
precariousness, discrimination and suffering that hundreds of thousands
of exiles will have to endure on French soil.
A "major" political crisis within the government?
It's probably a little early to say. The executive may well congratulate
itself on a "victory" (in fact all the voters of the text do so), the
adoption of this law on immigration caused a shock wave within the camp
Macron, sparked by concessions to the right and support from the far
right. The very day after the vote, on December 20, on television, the
president tried to defuse what appears to be a political and moral
crisis in his camp. But in no way embarrassed and straight in his boots,
he denied any internal problem, even if around sixty deputies from his
camp (Renaissance, Horizons, MoDem) voted against the text or abstained.
He trumpets that his side won (8) thanks to an "intelligent compromise
to move forward", because it was necessary to put an end to this law,
and without 49.3, to "move quickly to something else".
The cynicism of Macron and his government is limitless. They are taking
advantage of opinion polls that they had until then sovereignly
disdained for other reforms, in particular that of pensions. According
to them, the French were waiting for a law on immigration? And, what's
more, a "firm" text? By insisting that "foreigners = delinquents", even
terrorists; by making immigration a police issue, viewed solely from a
repressive and security perspective; by presenting immigration as a
"problem", a threat or even a danger, successive governments (30 laws on
immigration since 1980) have created and fueled fears and prejudices.
And this law goes very far in this area, by agreeing to validate an
important part of the RN program.
Macron says he wants to "fight against what feeds the RN"; However, it
is he and his government who fuel xenophobia, racism, authoritarianism,
discrimination, divisions, and provide breeding ground for the extreme
right.
Left-wing forces seek to retaliate
The left seems to have suddenly discovered the true face of Macronian
power. As if he had not already demonstrated his double standards, his
destructive and repressive capacities, his attacks against the most
vulnerable through his reforms and anti-social measures which widen
inequalities and sow precariousness and poverty.
What remains of the institutional left feels challenged by the
situation, worried about the nauseating stench emanating from this
government through the immigration law, and it seeks to cope. There are
numerous denunciations, as well as calls for a united, political and
social surge, and this goes beyond political groups.
Initiatives are taken, individual and collective. Elected officials,
doctors, academics and trade unionists have publicly made known their
disagreement or even their intention not to apply certain provisions of
the law. The term "civil disobedience" is bandied about, which members
of the government very little appreciate.
Elected officials from the 32 predominantly PS departments affirm that
they will not apply the non-payment of the personalized autonomy
allowance to foreigners, refusing to make a distinction between French
and foreigners.
Personalities, members of humanitarian and rights defense associations
(UNICEF, Abbé Pierre Foundation, etc.), associations of solidarity with
migrants, NGOs, international agencies (WHO), express virulent criticism
and call for Macron not to promulgate the law.
42 signatories of ANVITA (Welcoming French Cities and Territories)
affirm: "We will not apply national preference in our communities (...)
because this text undermines the foundations of our Republic".
More than 5,000 health professionals sign a manifesto(9), protesting
against the "alarming" decisions of the immigration law in matters of
health, which they recall is an unconditional and universal right.
Some university presidencies expressed opposition to the law in a joint
press release, recalling the importance of international students. Major
business schools (Essec, ESCP and HEC Paris) have denounced measures
with "perverse effects". The Convergences Migration Institute, which
brings together 700 researchers on these subjects, also expressed its
"deep indignation".
Researcher Claire Mathieu, research director at the CNRS in computer
science, resigned from the presidential science council, launched on
December 7, denouncing a "far-right and xenophobic" law.
Assemblies and rallies were quickly organized all over France, from
December 16. Demonstrations took place in several cities at the call of
the Solidarity March, on December 18, during the International Day of
Solidarity with Migrants, but also throughout the week, and in
particular on December 22 . But they weren't really massive...
High schools and universities were blocked. There were strikes in two
high schools in Ile-de-France. The Pompidou Center library displays its
opposition to the law. The CGT took the lead by calling for a
demonstration on January 14 or 21.
We are therefore witnessing a series of positions and actions hostile to
the law, but scattered and rather symbolic, for the moment without much
effective impact.
Whatever the future of the text, which will undoubtedly be partially
rejected in January by the Constitutional Council (see box), the
political debate around immigration in France will continue, more
polarized and instrumentalized than ever. with the campaign for the 2024
European elections.
It remains to be seen how to constitute a broader, more massive
response, which takes place over time and is not swallowed up by party
and electoral interests.
Kris, December 24
Recourse to the Constitutional Council, guarantor of respect for the
laws... but not of justice.
There was a referral to the Constitutional Council by Macron himself,
and by left-wing deputies and organizations for the defense of
foreigners, - including the federation of solidarity actors (FAS) which
brings together around nine hundred associations - which demand total
censorship of the text.
Certainly the Constitutional Council will undoubtedly revamp the law a
little (by the end of January), by trimming some measures which too
openly flout the principles of the Constitution, such as the breakdown
of equality before the law; contempt of which those who supported and
voted for the text were perfectly aware. The government is showing
cynicism and indecency by now sheltering behind constitutional
jurisprudence to leave it to clean the text of its most villainous
provisions. At the risk of legitimizing, in the long term, the call of
LR and the RN to revise the Constitution, to get rid of the constraints
of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and to resort to a
referendum on immigration.
Notes:
1 - APA is an allowance paid by departmental councils, intended for
dependent people at home and with low resources
2 - Until now, the receipt of social benefits has no link with employment.
3 - The inclusion in French law of discrimination against non-citizens
for access to social benefits is the measure that JM Le Pen and B.
Mégret popularized in the 1980s under the name of "national preference»,
which consists of excluding foreigners simply because they are foreigners
4 - This was the case with the Minister of the Interior C. Pasqua,
between 1993 and 1998
5 - The AME allows foreigners Undocumented immigrants can benefit from
free medical care after 3 months of presence in the country. The Senate
wanted to replace it with Emergency Medical Aid (AMU), intended only for
the most serious care (sic!), and therefore much more restricted.
6 - The list of these professions, now established by a ministerial
decree of 2021 and broken down by region, makes no reference to
professions such as security agent, cleaning or catering employee,
because, precisely, these are sectors which use undocumented workers...
7 - The law reinstating the offense of illegal residence, how will
undocumented workers be able to provide a clean record if they have been
convicted of this reason?
8 - Macron and Borne dismissed the resignation of the Minister of
Health, A. Rousseau, as a non-event. Certainly, he is the only one to
leave his post among the 6 others who declared themselves ready to do
so. Furthermore, a deputy from Finistère announced that he was leaving
the Horizons group.
9 - In November, 3,500 doctors declared their intention to "disobey" if
State Medical Aid (AME) was abolished.
http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4045
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