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(en) Italy, Sicilia Libertaria #471 - HISTORY. Giovanni Millimaggi, anti-fascist and libertarian communist from Sicily (2) (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Wed, 28 Oct 2026 07:53:24 +0200
In 1935, he returned to Ponza and was reunited with his family. In 1936,
while in Messina, where he was accompanied to visit his eldest daughter,
who was seriously ill, he received notification that he had completed
his confinement imposed on him in 1933. However, he was placed on the
list of people to be arrested under certain circumstances. In the city
on the Strait of Messina, Millimaggi resumed his legal practice and
contacted his anti-fascist friends. He participated in their clandestine
meetings. During the visit of the Duce to the city, Millimaggi was taken
to prison as a precaution, as required by the precautionary legislation
that governed him.
In 1937, he was accused of defeatist activities and of celebrating May
Day. After being transferred to the city prison, he was sentenced to
another four years of confinement in Ponza, where he arrived on August
4th. In 1938, he was again accused of celebrating May Day and sentenced
to two months in prison in the island's district prison. In 1938,
Millimaggi was transferred from Ponza to Amantea, Calabria. In 1939, for
his anti-war propaganda, he was transferred again to Spezzano della
Sila. In 1940, for further acts of disobedience and clashes with border
authorities, he was transferred again to Carolei, in Calabria. His
ordeal did not end there. It is worth noting his subsequent transfers to
Venosa, Basilicata, in 1941, coinciding with the end of his confinement,
as an "internee," and in 1942, to Lagonegro (p. 123), also in Lucania,
as a "dangerous subversive." At the end of the same year, he was
authorized to return to Messina with the rest of his family. Meanwhile,
his wife Maria Cristina's health had deteriorated, leading to her death.
The planned transfer to Ventotene on January 22, 1943, was revoked due
to his advanced age, and Millimaggi was released, although he still had
a warning against him. He served a total of approximately eight years in
confinement and prison. As a communist, he embraced independence ideas,
adopting his own original federalist stance. In 1944, he founded the
Sicilian Communist Party, which published a single issue,
"L'Indipendenza Siciliana," on January 1 of the same year, which
enunciated its program: "that of the Sicilian people who wish to decide
their own destiny" (p. 130). Further programmatic declarations read:
"Sicilian communists work for the establishment of an independent and
democratic Sicilian Republic, which would allow the formation, with the
island's industrial development, of a proletariat aligned with the
international proletariat for common struggles, common conquests" (p. 131).
In 1946, the Sicilian Communist Party dissolved, and Millimaggi was
elected to the Messina city council in the local elections of the same
year on the Italian Communist Party's ticket. However, conflicts with
the federation's leadership soon emerged, leading to his expulsion,
along with another city councilor, in May 1947, on charges of
"factionalism." Once again, the libertarian component of Giovanni
Millimaggi's communist thought emerged, a concept that could not be
harnessed by "democratic centralism," which became "bureaucratic
centralism," that is, the subjugation of the party to the will of a
group of bureaucrats who, as the ruling elite, replaced the overall body
represented by members and supporters, who ultimately were stripped of
all decision-making power. Thus, he completed his council term outside
the party. He died one morning in August 1953. A large and emotional
crowd attended his funeral, paying homage to the courageous fighter who
was always consistent with his ideas of libertarian communism.
In our opinion, we cannot share the dismissive and reductive judgement
given by Giuseppe Carlo Marino in his Storia del separatismo siciliano
(Editori Riuniti, Rome, 1979) regarding Giovanni Millimaggi's Sicilian
Communist Party, which is defined as «a scattered formation, and of
little importance as regards the degree of its possibilities of
development», an expression of the «semi-clandestine work» (p. 108) of
Antonio Canepa, which cannot even be considered «a fraction,
secessionist and "rebel"» (p. 109) which feels betrayed by the
Togliattian turn in Salerno, but rather a confused mixture of Sicilian
«fanaticism», which seeks to exploit, thanks to the action of «mediocre
agitators», the «social and cultural drama of the backwardness» (ibidem)
of the urban sub-proletarian classes, and of «worker internationalism»
(ibidem), an unseasoned soup which combines, as «ingredients», in the
same cauldron, Andrea Finocchiaro Aprile, Lenin and Stalin (ibidem).
This judgment is unfair and superficial. The devastating results of the
"regionalism" that underlies the Italian Constitutional Charter and
which finds its consecration in the Sicilian Special Statute, must push
us, instead, to begin a reflection on the theoretical positions of
Giovanni Millimaggi and, on a broader level, of Finocchiaro Aprile,
Canepa and the other independence leaders, as well as of the anarchist
and libertarian movements that have operated over the decades on the
island, not to accept and re-propose them slavishly, or to operate a
summation between them, but rather to delve into, in all its complexity
and articulation, the question of the institutional structure to be
given to the entire country and, in particular, to Sicily, and of the
possible "federalist" solution, without schematisms and without
pretending to reduce the entire dynamic of "independence" and
"Sicilianism" to the Mafia contaminations that certainly occurred during
the historical experience that matured in the immediate post-war period
in the land of Trinacria, but to which we cannot to assign an
all-encompassing role.
Antonio Catalfamo
https://www.sicilialibertaria.it/wp-content/uploads/luglioAgosto2026_compressed.pdf
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