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(en) Chile, RL: The Society Against the State by Pierre Clastres (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Sat, 17 Oct 2026 08:35:51 +0300


The challenge is not to romanticize native forms, but to recognize the plurality of political forms and learn from their strategies of social articulation outside of state logics. ---- Capitalist modernity, which in our territory began with the arrival of European invaders at the end of the 15th century, gradually shaped several ideological constructs that remain in effect to this day. On the one hand, the liberal ideas that emerged in Europe established the concept of the "individual" as an autonomous subject within their social context who, through their own effort and achievements, can be the master of their own destiny and differentiate themselves infinitely from other individuals, even while sharing territory, class, ethnicity, or gender. On the other hand, the capitalist social order was also presented as the only possible world, rendering invisible the social injustices at its core and establishing the narrative that the current state institutions that control life are historically neutral and unalterable.

This same liberal and capitalist perspective permeated how other peoples of the planet are understood and treated. First Europe, and then the United States, rose to become global powers from which the rest of the world is viewed and evaluated. Consequently, other geographical areas, and especially the peoples of Africa and Latin America, are seen as backward, underdeveloped, or simply inferior. This established an ethnocentric view between the center and the peripheries, which justified, first through religion and then through science, the implementation of significant injustices and inequalities at a global level.

The conquest of the Americas by various European powers resulted in the extermination and/or subjugation of many native peoples. Spaniards and Portuguese debated whether the inhabitants of these territories were human beings or whether they truly possessed souls that warranted Christianization, all in order to justify their enslavement, along with the Afro-descendant populations forcibly brought to exploit natural resources. In each conquered territory, the violence and exploitation of the subjugated peoples were justified in different ways.

Thus, to this day, the dominant view of Indigenous peoples remains pejorative and ethnocentric; that is, while their heroic past may be acknowledged, their present-day cultural expressions are reduced to mere folklore, and those who identify as belonging to one of these peoples are pressured to relinquish their identity, renounce territorial claims, recognize private land ownership, and adopt the individual citizenship of nation-states. The underlying assumption remains that these are backward cultures that must be rushed along the single path of capitalist modernity.

Pierre Clastres
Therefore, " Society Against the State ," written by the anarchist anthropologist Pierre Clastres (1934-1977) and published in 1974, is considered a landmark in 20th-century anthropology, as it critiques Western ethnocentrism, which continues to justify the global inequalities of the capitalist system. Specifically, it questions the linear conception of progress, which tends to place indigenous societies in an "earlier" phase of social development.

Specifically, Clastres's research demonstrates that the state is not a universal destiny for all cultures, but rather a specific historical form. Within this framework, the political division between those who rule and those who obey is not inherent in every society, but rather the result of a particular historical process: the emergence of coercive power.

With the exception of the great Inca, Aztec, and Mayan empires, most of the continent's Indigenous peoples were characterized by social structures in which hierarchies lacked coercive power; that is, there was no permanent warrior force to impose the will of the elites. The Indigenous chief did wield political power, but this power did not depend on a monopoly of force, which could give rise to state structures. Instead, it was based on collective recognition, the use of language, conflict mediation, and acts of generosity toward other members of his group. Thus emerged the possibility of societies that, despite having social hierarchies and the injustices that came with them, did not construct state forms of domination. The homogenizing horizon of capitalist modernity is not an unavoidable reality but rather one imposed form among other possibilities.

Unfortunately, Clastres does not develop a systematic definition of "political power," but rather operates with an implicit notion that he then organizes by distinguishing between coercive and non-coercive power. This generates ambiguities, since the political power he observed in native peoples, despite lacking coercive capacity, did reproduce hereditary hierarchies based on prestige, tradition, or charisma. In other words, by privileging coercion as the decisive criterion, Clastres tends to underestimate symbolic dimensions of power that can produce obedience and hierarchy without the need for force.

Secondly, his assertion that "society controls the leader" appears weakly substantiated, as he fails to identify any concrete mechanisms that have been used to remove leaders and reinstate new structures. Despite these limitations, Clastres' contribution is crucial in demystifying the association between social development and the creation of the State as a form of political domination. It is not simply a matter of imagining a stateless society, but of recognizing that social forms have existed and continue to exist that, while reproducing hierarchies, do not consolidate coercive mechanisms, thus decisively broadening the range of possibilities for social organization.

By questioning the universality of the state as a political form, Clastres's research can be read in dialogue with decolonial approaches that denounce the imposition of European epistemological frameworks on diverse historical realities. Thus, Indigenous societies cease to be the object of a narrative of backwardness and become subjects of their own political rationality, with their own contradictions and specificities.

From an anarchist perspective, we acknowledge the contributions of Pierre Clastres' anthropology, but we also recognize its weaknesses, such as the underestimation of symbolic power and the idealization of certain forms of equality within the groups studied. Subsequent contributions are relevant here, showing how domination can operate without the use of force itself, as well as research that reveals more conflictive internal dynamics within Indigenous societies. From this perspective, the challenge is not to romanticize native forms of social organization, but to recognize the plurality of possible political forms and learn from their strategies of social articulation outside of state-run systems.

https://revistalibertaria.cl/la-sociedad-contra-el-estado-de-pierre-clastres/
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