A-Infos (en) Chile, Santiago, FA: OPINION LETTER JULY 2026 (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The words we write during this eventful winter aim to present three 
reflections that we believe are important for the situation that will 
unfold in the coming months. ---- 1. Let's radically confront the 
aporophobia of governments and their allies --- The policies developed, 
approved, and implemented by governments, whether right-wing, social 
democratic, or progressive, have been and will continue to be designed 
to protect and strengthen a model of domination. However, in recent 
years, these policies have explicitly adopted an aporophobic character, 
that is, a policy of rejection and contempt for the poor.

What these governments do is reestablish the conditions of capital, 
through the application of material measures that affect the lives of 
the vast majority of people, by constructing a narrative where the enemy 
is the poor and the marginalized-all this in a country where no one 
considers themselves poor or marginalized.

From a communications standpoint, they have convinced us that the 
reforms don't affect us, but in practice, this aporophobia manifests 
itself in three ways. First, in the progressive exclusion of fundamental 
rights, expressed in cuts to access to adequate housing, healthcare 
cuts, and reductions in corporate and local taxes earmarked for 
improving the commons and collective good, among other things. Another 
important element of this anti-poor policy is the increasing 
criminalization and repression to which we are being subjected. The 
State has equipped itself with an extensive array of repressive policies 
aimed at expanding social control; that is, the creation of a system 
that sanctions and punishes any action that falls outside the norms of 
capital's expected behavior. This policy, in practice, criminalizes and 
even murders anyone who is not part of the ruling class. And finally, 
aporophobia is reinforced by the invisibility and indifference shown 
towards poverty and the precariousness of life. They don't care about 
the well-being of the oppressed class; therefore, policies like fuel 
price hikes, tax cuts for the super-rich, and tax breaks for large 
corporations are mere formalities to stabilize an economic system in 
perpetual crisis, all for their own benefit.

We are rapidly heading toward dark times for humanity, and we cannot 
allow this. As anarchists, our imperative is freedom and a dignified 
life extended to all of society. That is why we must understand that 
these new models of government not only seek to restore capital, but to 
do so through the disintegration of human dignity. This is our struggle: 
to radically combat the anti-poor and anti-marginalized narrative. We 
must wage a battle of ideas that not only reaches the already convinced, 
but also permeates the population, and that positions the human 
condition as something essential.

2. That revolutionary and radical ideas not be superseded by progressive 
and social-democratic thought

The political and social landscape has opened up a series of disputes on 
various issues. In this new government, glimpses of environmental, 
educational, labor, and housing conflicts, among others, can be 
observed. Now, with the departure of progressivism and social democracy 
from government control, it is clear that these groups will try to 
invade and appropriate all leadership positions, so that they can be the 
protagonists of the struggles. We have already seen this in the past; 
they seized control of the student movement and environmental movements, 
which consequently led to a stagnation of real conflict and, therefore, 
widespread demobilization. They did not want to change reality, but 
rather to manage it from Congress.

Today, we see that this is even more serious, not only because they will 
want to repeat what they have always done: exploit social struggles for 
their partisan gains, but also because it is they themselves-the social 
democratic and progressive parties-who formulated, developed, and 
approved a series of measures that now allow the far right to feel free 
to trample on people's rights and dignity.

Faced with a new crisis, a conflict against the state and capital, the 
tension of how to address the problem will always be present. 
Progressive and social democratic positions will invite us to dialogue, 
to transform as much as possible, to mitigate the conflict, to avoid 
putting the pillars of capitalism and patriarchy under strain. It is 
their essence; they are neoliberal, comfortable with the symbiotic 
relationship between the state and capital.

This is where radical and revolutionary ideas must emerge. The 
commitment to rupture stems from the intensification of the conflict 
against the State and its institutions, popular protest as mass 
insurrection, and community and collective self-management of whatever 
we are demanding.

3. It's time to organize

The call is clear: organization is the way. And it's not just us doing 
this, but a large part of the political sector that is critical of the 
system of domination we are experiencing. However, the problem doesn't 
seem to be a lack of intention to organize, but rather the difficulty in 
figuring out where and how to collectivize the struggle.

And this is no small matter: the specters and traumas of organized 
spaces that devolve into authoritarian spaces or transform into 
electoral machines are elements that fuel the distrust of comrades who 
wish to organize.

However, from the perspective of the social and organized anarchism we 
advocate, we continue to believe in and strive to build organized spaces 
that are sustained by the logic of the struggle against capitalism and 
patriarchy, but which, at the same time, are constituted as spaces with 
a profound logic of collective care. Without this perspective, we will 
continue to reproduce formulas that have done so much damage to the 
revolutionary world.

We believe that organizations are places where we can prefigure those 
new worlds we so long for; that is, spaces where we can apply, in the 
here and now, the new socio-political relations that written theories 
teach us. Organizations are not mere instruments for short-term 
political gain, something many have done and, unfortunately, many are 
doing today. Drawing on some of Malatesta's reflections on specifically 
anarchist organizations, but which we believe can be extrapolated to any 
organization, we propose that organized spaces must not succumb "in any 
way to the authoritarian spirit; they must reconcile the free action of 
individuals with the need and pleasure of cooperation, serve to develop 
the consciousness and organizational capacity of their members, and 
constitute an educational medium for the environment in which they 
operate, as well as a moral and material preparation for the future we 
desire."

In this sense, and thinking about the present, we also propose that it 
is not enough to establish an organization and carry out its activities; 
we must go a step further. The interrelation between organizations and 
territories, the coordination of action plans, the exchange of 
experiences, and the articulation between different struggles are also 
organizational mechanisms presented to us as necessary strategies for 
confronting the dominant class. However, here lies a turning point: the 
rhetoric and perspective of these struggle blocs generally assume the 
premise of being configured from the idea of the "left." While we do not 
disavow the idea of being left-wing, we believe that the trap created by 
social democracy and progressivism is the continued belief that 
everything that is not right-wing is therefore left-wing.

Our proposal for these circumstances is to remain available to advance 
toward a front of oppressed classes that overcomes the left-right 
dichotomy and the neoliberal trap behind it, and, consequently, places 
class consciousness at the center as the driving force of the struggle 
against patriarchy and capitalism.

Organizing is a condition of life, an exercise that builds the 
collective and the common good. It happens every day, in all our 
everyday spaces. The question, we insist, is how and where we organize. 
The invitation is to organize for a better life: in your workplace 
union, in your neighborhood, with your comrades, around a need and 
demand such as housing, health, or education, etc. Let each organization 
envision a way to transform this nefarious capitalist and patriarchal 
reality, from the most basic care work to class-based organizing with 
oppressed comrades from different corners and territories.

To conclude...

In the past as in the present, the possibilities of overcoming 
domination and oppression depend solely on the capacity and deployment 
of struggle that our people can exercise. In July, 90 years ago, a 
people armed themselves with courage, conviction, and determination, and 
from an anarchist perspective, with direct mass action as their 
fundamental tool, they brought a state capitalist system to the brink of 
crisis. We look to the past with the conviction that, if yesterday the 
unfolding of a popular insurrection could put a system of years of 
oppression in check and open possibilities to a new world, today, it is 
more possible than ever to advance in actions with a revolutionary 
perspective. Inspired by this, this very month, our organization 
celebrates another year of life, another year of struggle, another year 
of continuing to believe that struggle and organization will set us free.

SANTIAGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION:

7 YEARS ROOTING ANARCHISM, STRENGTHENING POPULAR PROTAGONISM, AND 
BUILDING REVOLUTIONARY SELF-MANAGED POWER

https://fasanarquista7.wordpress.com/carta-de-opinion-julio-2026/
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