A-Infos (en) Turkey, Yeryuzu Postasi: 104 Steps to Earning the Social Vector II. (2/2)(ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

61. FIGHTER MOVEMENTS ---- A key characteristic of social movements is 
their militant nature. In asserting that they must be militant, we mean 
that social movements must establish their gains by asserting their 
social power, and that they should not be dependent on favor or goodwill 
from any segment of society, including the state. Militantism is 
characterized by a stance of defending class struggle outside the state. 
Militant social movements do not struggle to seize power within the 
state or institutional power structures. They always organize outside 
the state and advocate for the return of political power to the people. 
We also support direct action as a form of political action against 
representative democracy. However, there are also those who defend 
popular power as the support of vanguards detached from the grassroots, 
hierarchies, authoritarian parties, state demands, and various types of 
bureaucracies. When popular power refers to this second model, we are in 
complete disagreement. The struggle for liberation must be strategic, 
and direct action must be more or less violent depending on the demands 
of the conditions. When it needs to be violent, it must always be 
understood as a response, a self-defense, against the system of 
domination and exploitation in which we live.

62. DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENTS

Direct democracy occurs in social movements when everyone involved 
actively participates in the decision-making process. Even leaders and 
the functions they undertake are temporary, rotating, and recallable.

63. Militant Behavior

Because there is no complete set of information, what allows for an 
education where there is no teacher and no student, but everyone is both 
teacher and student, is the exchange process among militants. Everyone 
learns and everyone teaches. In this way, the construction of an 
education that respects people's culture and empowers militants through 
dialogues, discussions, and the exchange of experiences takes place. 
Class solidarity occurs when one person unites with another to form a 
social movement, or even when a social movement in pursuit of building a 
popular organization and overcoming capitalism and the state unites with 
another. When driven by the interests of the class, social movements are 
internationalist. In this model of social movement, militant behavior 
needs ethics and responsibility. The ethics that guide correct militant 
behavior are based on principles that are against capitalism and the 
state and that support cooperation, solidarity, and mutual aid. It also 
guides militant behavior that operates without harming others, 
encourages support, and does not allow attitudes that lead to division 
or unjust internal conflict. Responsibility, a principle opposed to the 
values of capitalism, encourages militants in social movements to take 
initiative, assume responsibility and fulfill it-which will prevent a 
few individuals from being overloaded with many tasks-to adopt attitudes 
consistent with the spirit of struggle, and to contribute to social 
movements in the best possible way.

64. SHORT, MEDIUM AND LONG TERM

Organizational goals must be pursued throughout the struggle. We 
understand that it is possible to achieve social revolution and thus 
establish libertarian socialism by striving to radicalize and 
continuously increase the social power of popular organization. From a 
long-term perspective, movements have a greater capacity for gains 
because the further away the goals are, the greater the gains; initial 
gains are not the end of the struggle. When achieved by social 
movements, short-term gains, namely so-called reforms, will serve as 
ways to alleviate the suffering of those struggling, while 
simultaneously teaching lessons of organization and struggle. We believe 
that while struggling for reforms, social movements do not become 
reformist, those who understand reforms as an end in themselves. Even 
with the struggle for reforms, social movements can maintain a 
revolutionary practice and oppose reformism.

65. ACTIVITIES OF THE UNIQUE ANARCHIST ORGANIZATION

Specific anarchist organization is a grouping of anarchist individuals 
working together, through their own free will and agreement, towards 
well-defined goals. Its function is to coordinate, converge, and 
continuously increase the social power of anarchist militant activity, 
providing a robust and coherent instrument of struggle-a fundamental 
tool in the pursuit of ultimate goals. This organization is founded on 
fraternal agreements, ensuring its libertarian nature, both internally 
and externally, without relations of domination, exploitation, or 
alienation. This well-defined organization unites anarchists at the 
political and ideological level and develops their political practices 
at the social level, characterizing an effective minority organization 
because the social level is always far greater than the political level. 
To create this robust and coherent instrument of struggle, it is 
essential for anarchist organization to possess well-defined 
strategic-tactical and political lines, realized through theoretical and 
ideological unity and unity of strategy and tactics. Thus, we can say 
that the activities of specific anarchist organization are as follows:

Social Work and Articulation
The Production and Reproduction of Theory
Anarchist Propaganda
Political Education
Strategy Design and Implementation
Social and Political Relations
Resource Management
These activities can be carried out in a more or less public manner, 
always keeping in mind the social context in which the organization 
operates.

66. INTERESTS OF THE EXPLOITED CLASSES

In this political practice, which places itself at the service of the 
exploited classes, anarchist organization is guided by a  Declaration of 
Principles  . These principles are ethical propositions and concepts, 
both non-negotiable, that guide all political practice and provide 
models for anarchist action. Specific anarchist organization does not 
replace the organization of the exploited classes, but it gives 
anarchists the chance to place themselves at their service.

67. 2003 DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES

The 2003 Declaration of Principles defines nine principles: freedom, 
ethics and values, federalism, self-government, internationalism, direct 
action, class struggle, political practice and social articulation, and 
mutual aid. Anarchist organizing should strive to engage with all forms 
of popular struggle, wherever it occurs. We recognize and prioritize 
class struggle. Through ethics, we advocate, among other things, 
consistency and mutual respect between means and ends. Therefore, we 
reject individualistic proposals of anarchism. The pursuit of 
libertarian socialism is a relentless struggle for freedom. And we put 
forward federalism and self-government as principles of non-hierarchical 
and decentralized organization, supported by mutual aid and free 
association, upholding the IWA premise that everyone has rights and 
duties. Internationalism is opposed to nationalism and the glorification 
of the state, as they represent a sense of superiority over other 
countries and peoples, and reinforce ethnocentrism and prejudice, the 
first steps toward xenophobia. By advocating internationalism, we 
emphasize the international character of struggles and the need for 
unity based on class affinities, not nationalities. Direct action is 
presented as a principle based on horizontal organization and, by 
encouraging workers' leadership, opposes representative democracy, 
which, as we have previously stated, is politically alienating. Mutual 
aid promotes solidarity in the struggle and encourages fraternal 
relations with everyone who is genuinely working for a just and 
equitable world. It fosters effective solidarity among the exploited.

68. THERE IS NO POLITICAL VACUUM.

We believe that there is never a political vacuum anywhere. Among the 
various forces found in these spaces, anarchists must come to the 
forefront and realize their positions. In addressing the ongoing dispute 
over the political space, we are not saying that anarchists should 
struggle for leadership, control, or any privileged position in social 
movements. Rather, we are talking about the internal struggle that 
arises when we want to influence social movements to use libertarian 
practices. Authoritarians try to establish a relationship of domination 
over social movements. We know that politicians, parties, unions, and 
also other authoritarian organizations and individuals such as churches, 
drug traffickers, etc., hinder the construction of popular organization 
because they infiltrate social movements. In the vast majority of cases, 
they try to profit from the sheer number of people involved: to gain 
support in elections, to build a base for authoritarian power projects, 
to make money, to gain faith, to open new markets, etc. Authoritarian 
organizations and individuals do not want to support social movements; 
rather, they use them to achieve their own goals (the goals of 
authoritarian organizations and individuals) that are inconsistent with 
the goals of the militants of the social movements. When anarchists fail 
to build the necessary social power, they face two possibilities: either 
they will be used as tools ("labor beasts") by authoritarians in 
carrying out their authoritarian power projects, or they will simply be 
sidelined. Without organization, they will not exert the necessary 
influence to possess even a modicum of social power. Without the 
necessary organization, they cannot sustain themselves in social 
movements, and it is far less likely that they will exert the desired 
influence. For example, when you see some anarchists fighting for a 
movement to use direct action and direct democracy, politicians and 
party apparatuses will oppose this, and without a strong anarchist 
organization capable of social articulation and fighting for these 
positions, authoritarian positions will have a greater chance of 
developing. When we, as anarchists, are properly organized, we will not 
lag behind events, but rather have a real articulation, enabling us to 
establish our positions and exert our influence in social movements. 
Thus, from the moment we establish our positions, this necessarily means 
a decrease in the influence of the authoritarians, and vice versa.

69. FRONTS

This political practice in different areas necessitates the division of 
anarchist organization into fronts, which are internal groups that carry 
out social work. Fronts are responsible, within their respective fields 
of activity, for the creation and development of social movements, as 
well as for ensuring that anarchists occupy the constantly contested 
political space and exert the necessary influence within these 
movements. Generally, organizations operating with this methodology 
propose the development of three basic fronts: trade union, community, 
and student. We believe that the division of fronts should not be based 
on these predetermined areas of articulation, but rather on the 
practical work of the organization. In our understanding, there should 
be no obligation to develop work within these three fronts; in addition, 
there may be other interesting areas requiring dedicated fronts. Each 
organization should seek areas more conducive to the development of its 
social work and build its fronts from this practical necessity. In this 
sense, we support the dynamic fronts model, which takes into account the 
internal division of the specific anarchist organization in order to 
carry out social work in the best possible practical way.

70. A SIGNIFICANT PARADOX

Anarchist organizing needs to maintain different levels of action. These 
different levels should strengthen its work, while also allowing it to 
bring together prepared militants with a high level of commitment, and 
to bring together people who may be more or less prepared and more or 
less committed, and who sympathize with the theory or practice of the 
organization. Concentric circles aim to provide a clear place for every 
militant and sympathizer of the organization. They also seek to 
facilitate and strengthen the social work of the anarchist organization, 
and finally, they create a channel for the recruitment of new militants. 
In short, concentric circles attempt to resolve a crucial paradox: 
anarchist organizing needs to be closed enough to have prepared, 
committed, and politically aligned militants, and open enough to attract 
new militants. Specific anarchist organizing is internally divided into 
fronts, each operating within a particular social movement or sector of 
social movement. In this case, assuming the specific anarchist 
organizing works with three social movements or three sectors of social 
movement, it divides itself into three fronts for its work. In our case, 
our specific anarchist organization is now divided into three fronts: 
(A) urban social movements, (B) community, and (C) agrarian-ecology 
(Anarchism and Nature). Each operates within one or more social 
movements. Front A is in the homeless movement and the KTH (Kurdish 
social movement), Front B is in the community movement, and Front C is 
in rural ecology and agrarian movements.

71. MILITANTS INSIDE

There is no hierarchy among the circles, but the idea is that the more 
"inside" or closer a militant is to the organization, the better they 
can formulate, understand, reproduce, and implement its lines. The more 
"inside" a militant is, the greater their level of commitment and 
activity. The more a militant contributes to the organization, the more 
the organization demands from them. Militants decide their own levels of 
commitment and, based on this choice, participate or do not participate 
in negotiation stages. Thus, militants decide how committed they want to 
be, and the more committed they are, the more decisions they make. The 
less committed they are, the fewer decisions they make. Therefore, 
within a specific anarchist organization, there may always be one or 
more circles that should be defined by the level of commitment of the 
militants. When there is more than one level, this should be clear to 
everyone, and the criteria for changing a level should be accessible to 
all militants. In this way, the militant decides for themselves where 
they want to be. Within a specific anarchist organization, only 
anarchists are found who can, to a greater or lesser extent, develop, 
reproduce, and implement the organization's political line internally, 
on the fronts, and in public activity. Furthermore, militants must, to a 
greater or lesser extent, be able to assist in the development of the 
organization's strategic-tactical line and possess full capacity to 
reproduce and implement it. Moreover, functions must be rotational to 
empower everyone and prevent stagnant positions or functions. The 
functions undertaken by militants within the organization are tied to 
self-governance and federalism, or to horizontal decision-making where 
all militants have equal say and voting power, with mandatory proxy 
delegation in certain circumstances.

72. SUPPORTERS

The next circle, further out and distant from the core of the anarchist 
organization, is no longer part of the organization but holds 
fundamental importance: the level of supporters. This body strives, for 
example, to bring together all people who share an ideological affinity 
with the anarchist organization. Supporters are responsible for 
assisting the organization in its practical work, such as: publishing 
brochures, periodicals, or books; disseminating propaganda material; 
assisting in theory production or contextual analysis; organizing 
practical activities for social work: social activities, assisting in 
educational work, logistical activities, assisting in organizing work, 
etc. A support stage is where people who share an affinity with the 
anarchist organization and its work make contact with other militants, 
deepen their knowledge of the organization's political line, become 
better acquainted with its activities, and deepen their vision of 
anarchism. The specific anarchist organization attracts the maximum 
possible number of supporters and, through practical work, identifies 
those who are interested in joining the organization and possess a 
suitable profile for membership. While each militant decides for 
themselves how committed they want to be to the organization and where 
they want to be, the aim of an anarchist organization is always to have 
the greatest possible number of militants in the inner circles, with a 
greater level of commitment. The suggestion to join the organization can 
be made by the organization's militants to the supporter, or vice versa.

73. COMMITMENT AND DECISION-MAKING

The logic of concentric circles requires that each militant and the 
organization itself have very well-defined rights and duties for each 
level of commitment. In the concentric circles model, we seek a system 
of rights and duties where everyone decides what they can and should 
commit to. In this way, it is normal for supporters to decide only what 
they will be involved in. Similarly, it is normal for the militants of 
the organization to decide what they will accomplish. It is very easy 
for an occasional militant to want to determine the political line of 
the organization, since they are often not the ones who have to follow 
that line. For example, a supporter who participates in activities once 
a month and contributes infrequently cannot decide on the rules or 
activities that should be met or carried out daily, because they would 
be making decisions for other militants far more than for themselves. 
Therefore, we take decisions and commitments proportionally, and this 
requires the organization to have clear criteria for entry, clearly 
defining who participates and who does not, and at what level of 
commitment the militants are. In any case, anarchist organizing should 
always be concerned with providing education and guidance that allows 
supporters and militants to change their level of commitment, if they so 
wish. As a supporter, by knowing the political line a little more deeply 
and feeling an affinity for the practical work of the organization, one 
can show interest in joining the organization, or the organization can 
express its interest in the supporter becoming a militant. As we have 
seen, anarchist organizing is internally divided into fronts for the 
realization of practical work. For this, there are organizations that 
prefer to establish direct relations with social movements, and others 
that prefer to present themselves through an intermediary social 
organization, which we can call tendency grouping. The tendency grouping 
positions itself between social movements and the specific anarchist 
organization, bringing together militants from different ideologies who 
have an affinity regarding certain practical issues. The idea is that 
the specific anarchist organization seeks articulation at this 
intermediate level (tendency grouping) and, by presenting itself through 
this, carries out its work in social movements with the aim of seeking 
social articulation. Since the views we advocate in social movements are 
far more practical than theoretical, working with a grouping of 
tendencies can be interesting, involving people who agree with some or 
all of the positions we advocate in social movements (power, class 
struggle, autonomy, militancy, direct action, direct democracy, and 
revolutionary perspective), and including people who can help us 
increase social power in defending these positions.

74. WORKING WITH ACTIVISTS

The aim of anarchist organizing is not to make all activists anarchists, 
but to learn how to work with each of these activists in the most 
appropriate way. This form of organization aims to solve a very common 
problem we find in activism. For example, when we know very dedicated 
activists; revolutionaries who advocate for self-governance, autonomy, 
grassroots democracy, direct democracy, etc., and people with whom we 
don't work together because they are not anarchists. These activists can 
work with anarchists in tendency groupings and defend their positions 
together in social movements. A militant who has a great practical 
affinity with anarchists but is not an anarchist should be a member of a 
tendency grouping and can be fundamental to carrying out social work. If 
they have ideological affinity, they can be closer to organizing, or 
even join.

75th Vote

Regardless of the method, all activities that are negotiated and for 
which the organization is responsible will need to be carried out by its 
members. For this practice, there is a need to divide activities among 
the militants, always seeking a model that distributes them well, 
preventing the concentration of tasks on more active or capable members. 
When voting takes place, it can be easy for militants who are not 
involved in the matter being voted on to determine what others should 
do. Such situations require caution, especially when all members who 
were supposed to carry out the negotiated matter lose the vote and are 
forced to implement what has been decided by others. Since this is 
something to be avoided, we believe that compromise should not be 
mandatory. To give the decision-making process appropriate efficiency 
and to avoid giving too much power to isolated actors, we have chosen 
this model of attempting compromise and, where compromise is not 
possible, voting. This decision-making process is used to establish both 
theoretical and ideological unity, as well as strategic and tactical unity.

76. ORGANIZATIONAL DISCIPLINE

This position presents a relationship of shared responsibility between 
militants and the organization. Therefore, everyone who assumes a 
responsibility must possess sufficient discipline to fulfill it. 
Similarly, when the organization defines a course to be followed or 
something to be accomplished, it is individual discipline that will 
ensure the collectively resolved objective is realized.

77. THE MAIN ACTORS OF THE EXPLOITED CLASS

In the class struggle, the exploited classes are always in conflict with 
the dominant class. The truth is that the contradictions of capitalism 
produce a range of manifestations of the exploited classes, and we 
believe this is the best ground for sowing the seeds of anarchism. In 
explaining this perspective, we are not idolizing these classes or 
assuming that everything they do is always right, but we emphasize that 
their participation in the process of social transformation is 
absolutely central. Social work and articulation are the most important 
activities of specific anarchist organization. To this end, this entire 
process must take place within the exploited classes, who are the real 
main actors in the social transformation we advocate.

78. NEEDS-BASED SOCIAL WORK

The social work of anarchist organizing takes place in two ways:

Through continuous work with existing social movements.
By creating new social movements.
As we have discussed before, we understand social movements as the 
result of a three-legged stool: necessity, will, and organization. This 
means that organized anarchists should primarily strive to foster the 
desire and organization for a movement based on the needs of the 
exploited classes. Few are willing to fight for an idea that will only 
yield results in the long term. Therefore, to mobilize the people, we 
must first and foremost engage with the concrete issues and problems 
that affect them and are close to them. The role of anarchist 
organization is to articulate the necessities and mobilize around them. 
Whether in creating social movements or working with existing ones, the 
central idea is always to mobilize around necessity.

79. ACTIONS LEAD TO PRACTICE.

Social movements are the stages through which the exploited classes are 
mobilized. It is these movements that enable them to engage in political 
practice. Political practice seeks to engage the people in struggle 
against the forces of the system that oppresses them, provoking a 
confrontation with these forces. To the extent they deem necessary, the 
people themselves must demand, implement, and achieve all the 
improvements, gains, and freedoms they desire. This is done through 
organization and willpower. These demands must be persistent and 
progressively increase, each time demanding more and seeking the 
complete liberation of the exploited classes.

80. IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS OF THE MOVEMENTS

The political practice of social movements, which transforms into a 
struggle for short-term gains, brings with it the pedagogical meaning of 
increased consciousness for militants in the face of victories or 
defeats. We call the process of influencing social movements through 
anarchist practice social articulation. Thus, anarchist organization has 
social work when it creates or develops work with social movements, and 
social articulation when it succeeds in influencing movements with 
anarchist practices. It is not the case that social movements are within 
ideology, but rather that ideology is within social movements. Social 
articulation does not aim to "ideologize" social movements, to transform 
them into anarchist social movements. On the contrary, it seeks to imbue 
them with certain defined characteristics so that they can progress 
towards the construction and development of popular organization and 
point towards social revolution and libertarian socialism. It strives to 
enable social movements to advance as far as possible. When we speak of 
social articulation, we are concerned with the influence of anarchism 
within social movements. In this respect, while we maintain a 
distinction between the political (anarchist organization) and social 
(social movements) levels, we do not believe that the political level 
should have a hierarchy or dominance over the social level. Furthermore, 
we believe that the political level struggles alongside the social 
level, not for or before it-a relationship that is ethical. Specific 
anarchist organization, in its activity as an effective minority, 
struggles alongside the exploited classes, not for or before them. This 
complementary and dialectical relationship leads to anarchism 
influencing social movements and social movements influencing anarchism.

81. INFLUENCE

Once again, and briefly, we will state what characteristics we must 
maintain in social movements. These are: power, class struggle, 
militancy, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy, and a 
revolutionary perspective. Social movements must have a class struggle 
orientation and a class line, which means seeking broad participation of 
the exploited classes and supporting the class struggle. They must be 
militant, establishing their gains by asserting their social power. They 
must be autonomous from the state, political parties, bureaucratic 
unions, the church, and other bureaucratic and/or authoritarian bodies, 
making their own decisions and acting independently. Furthermore, they 
must use direct action as a form of political action, as opposed to 
representative democracy. Social movements must also use direct 
democracy as a method of decision-making, taking place in horizontal 
assemblies where all militants actively and equally make decisions. For 
us, influencing means creating change in an individual or a group of 
people through persuasion, advice, examples, guides, insights, and 
practices. We believe that within society itself, at any given moment, 
there are multiple interactions between different actors who influence 
and are influenced. Even from an anti-authoritarian perspective, this 
influence is inevitable and healthy.

82nd MOBILIZATION

For us, it is crucial to consider that the process of mobilization and 
influence goes beyond the objective aspects of the struggle, 
encompassing subjective dimensions as well. In this mobilization 
process, specific anarchist organizations must always behave ethically, 
regardless of the circumstances; they must strive to avoid establishing 
hierarchical or domineering relationships with social movements; they 
must tell the truth and never deceive the people; and they must always 
promote solidarity and mutual aid in their relationships with other 
militants. We must teach by doing, by example, far more than just 
talking. The militants of specific anarchist organizations must be very 
familiar with the environment in which they operate. Even if the 
positions of the anarchist organization are not in the majority, they 
must be demonstrated, and the views they advocate must be clarified. 
Similarly, they must not only offer critical positions but also adopt a 
positive/proactive attitude that seeks to build and advance movements. 
By provoking and encouraging the people, we must seek social 
articulation and ensure that social movements operate in the most 
libertarian and egalitarian ways possible. For anarchist militants, full 
integration with other activists in social movements is crucial; 
constant presence is essential for them to be recognized, legitimized, 
listened to, wanted, and welcomed. Therefore, organizing for any kind of 
work should always approach not the leaders and those who hold power 
within social movements, but the grassroots activists who are often 
suppressed by leadership and form the periphery, not the center, of the 
movements. Identifying and focusing efforts on people who have influence 
over others (local leaders who are grassroots-oriented and legitimized 
by them) in neighborhoods, communities, movements, unions, etc., is also 
important. These people are crucial for assisting grassroots 
mobilization, potentially generating anarchist influence, and even 
becoming involved in tendency groupings. When done this way, 
mobilization begins to function as a kind of "transformation." Thus, we 
can say that the function of specific anarchist organizing in social 
work and articulation is to be "a motor, an engine of social struggle, 
that does not replace them and does not represent them." We believe it 
is possible to build this engine by "militantly participating in the 
daily lives of popular movements in action, primarily in Brazil, in 
Latin America, and especially in Rio de Janeiro."

83. THEORY: ORGANIZATIONS AND DEFINITIONS

The understanding of libertarian socialism and the revolutionary process 
of transformation can today only be considered from a theoretical 
perspective, because in practice we are not living in a revolutionary 
time. Therefore, theory organizes the concepts that define the 
transformation into the future society and the society itself, which are 
the ultimate goals of specific anarchist organization. Theory also 
defines how the anarchist organization should act within the reality in 
which it operates to achieve its ultimate goals. Other steps are 
reserved for the future and can only be considered theoretically today. 
Theory is fundamental to both the design of strategy and the propaganda 
carried out by the organization. Strategy seeks to increase the 
efficiency of the anarchist organization's work, while propaganda is 
crucial in the sense of spreading anarchist ideas. In trying to 
understand the reality in which it operates, theory organizes 
information and data. It shapes the understanding of the historical 
moment in which we operate and the definition of its social, political, 
and economic characteristics. It also provides a complete diagnosis of 
the reality in which the specific anarchist organization operates. 
Theory is important to consider the context in a regional sense, because 
if this is not done, you risk applying an incorrect methodology to the 
process of social transformation (the "importation" of ready-made 
theories from other times and contexts).

84. THEORY IN PROPAGANDA

It is also important that theory production aims to update outdated 
ideological aspects or to adapt ideology to specific and particular 
realities. Theory is also crucial in the propaganda process, as it is 
necessary to coherently articulate concepts to promote anarchist ideas. 
The more theory is produced and disseminated, the easier it becomes for 
anarchism to permeate society as a whole. When theory is used for 
propaganda, it shapes the past through the study and reproduction of 
anarchist theories aimed at deepening the ideological level and making 
anarchist ideology more recognizable. This can also occur in relation to 
the present and the future through the theoretical dissemination of 
materials that explain our critiques of present society, our 
understanding of future society, and the process of social transformation.

85. THEORY AND PRACTICE

Not everything theoretically produced or generated within anarchism 
serves the practice we desire. Theory promoted by intellectuals far 
removed from struggle or with little social work, by those who believe 
they understand theory better than anyone else and have found definitive 
answers to theoretical questions, is of little use, because we only 
verify the usefulness of theory in practice; practice necessarily 
contributes to theory. Furthermore, we do not believe that anarchist 
organization, in order to act, must first and foremost possess a deep 
and advanced theory. While we argue that theory is crucial for effective 
practice, we do not believe that theory produced without concrete and 
sustained contact with practice can yield any promising results. 
Therefore, social work and articulation enable anarchist organization to 
carry out all its theoretical production with greater precision. 
Practice tests anarchist ideology, allows anarchist organization to 
better consider its possibilities and horizons, to be much more 
programmatic, to act with its feet firmly on the ground, and to live 
life as it is, not as it should be. From this relationship between 
theory and practice, we understand the theoretical path of specific 
anarchist organization as a continuous process of theorizing, 
practicing, evaluating theory and reformulating it if necessary, 
theorizing, practicing, etc.

86. THEORY AND IDEOLOGY

Theory necessarily has ideological aspects, and ideology necessarily has 
theoretical aspects. Therefore, there is a direct link between the two. 
Many anarchist organizations define theory solely as an understanding of 
the reality in which they operate. In this way, they separate theory 
from ideology; the former as a "set of concepts articulated together in 
a coherent manner," serving only to formulate answers to the "first 
question" of strategy, which we call "where we are." However, theory 
also serves to answer the second and third questions of strategy, 
namely, "where do we want to go?" and "how do we think we can get from 
where we are to where we want to be?"

87th UNIT

This unity is achieved through the decision-making process of anarchist 
organization, and its aim is to establish a clear political line 
(theoretical and ideological) that must necessarily guide all activities 
and actions, both as a whole and in detail, in complete and continuous 
conformity with the line defined by the organization. With this 
well-defined political line, everyone knows how to act, and it is well 
known that the line needs to be revised in case of practical problems. 
When the theoretical and ideological line is not well-defined and a 
problem arises, there are difficulties in knowing what needs to be 
revised. Therefore, it is the clarity of this line that enables the 
theoretical development of the organization. The absence of this 
theoretical and ideological political line leads to a lack of 
articulation, or even a contradictory articulation, in the totality of 
concepts, resulting in incorrect, confusing, and/or unproductive practice.

88. CONSISTENTLY ORGANIZED

As we have seen, organization, understood as the coordination of forces 
to achieve a goal, multiplies the results of individual work, and this 
is also true for propaganda. We understand propaganda as the 
dissemination of anarchist ideas and a fundamental activity of anarchist 
organization. Its purpose is to introduce anarchism and attract people 
to our cause. Propaganda is one of the activities of anarchist 
organization, not its only activity. It must be carried out continuously 
and in an organized manner.

89. ACTIVATING CONSCIOUSNESS

We understand that any process of social transformation with ultimate 
goals, as we propose, will depend on the acceptance, or at least the 
"non-rejection," of large segments of the population. In this sense, 
theoretical, educational, and/or cultural propaganda will contribute 
significantly. This mass propaganda work slowly turns public 
consciousness and leads to more questioning and less reproduction of the 
ideology of capitalism already transmitted in the form of culture. We 
argue that specific anarchist organization uses every means at its 
disposal to carry out this continuous and organized propaganda. 
Primarily in the theoretical, educational, and/or cultural sphere, 
through courses, talks, discussions, conferences, study groups, 
websites, email, theatre, newsletters, newspapers, magazines, books, 
videos, music, libraries, public events, radio programs, television 
programs, libertarian schools, etc. Such propaganda is fundamental 
because, when carried out on a large scale, it functions as a social 
"lubricant," slowly changing the culture in which we live and 
facilitating the introduction of anarchist ideas and practices into society.

90. THE LIMITS OF PROPAGANDA

Propaganda aims to transform people's ideas. And that's why we see 
serious limitations in this model of propaganda. This increase in 
consciousness does not in any way mean that the exploitation and 
domination of capitalist society will tend to decrease. Nor does it 
necessarily mean that people will continue to organize themselves to 
fight back. Even in a hypothetical situation where everyone is 
conscious, we can say that we would continue to be exploited and subjugated.

PROPAGANDA WITH EXAMPLES (EXAMPLE 91)

The question of "where and for whom propaganda should be conducted" must 
always be considered. We argue that, in addition to propaganda in the 
theoretical, educational, and/or cultural spheres, we must primarily 
continue propaganda in struggle and organization-that is, propaganda in 
social work aimed at social articulation. We understand the entire 
process of social work and articulation, which we have discussed 
earlier, as the main propaganda work that anarchist organization must 
develop. Taking place in the realm of class struggle and social 
movements, anarchist propaganda aims to mobilize, organize, and 
influence social movements through anarchist practice. For movements to 
be influenced by anarchism means seeking to ensure they possess the 
characteristics we advocate: power, a class struggle perspective, 
militancy, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy, and a 
revolutionary perspective. As an active minority in the struggle, 
anarchists create social movements, participate in existing ones, and 
strive to influence them, always by example, to function as libertarian 
and egalitarian as possible. In this way, anarchist propaganda serves 
the role of anarchists as an effective minority within social movements 
and contributes to the entire working process of the actual creation of 
popular organization.

92. POLITICAL LEVEL TRAINING

Political education at the political level deepens knowledge about other 
ideological currents and social movements, as well as historical, 
current, and future questions. It is promoted in various ways: through 
courses and training books for militants, training seminars, 
self-education by militants, etc. Education provides support for new 
militants, so that the differences in educational level between those 
who are less and more educated are as small as possible, and the high 
level of discussion within the organization is not negatively affected 
by these differences. For the supporting militants of a specific 
anarchist organization, political education provides the theoretical and 
ideological foundation for understanding its political line.

93. SOCIAL LEVEL EDUCATION

Political education seeks to develop militants who operate within 
tendency groupings and integrates them into anarchist organization when 
they share ideological affinities. For social movements to possess 
desirable characteristics and to point towards the construction of 
popular organization, it is essential that militants are as politicized 
as possible, and political education plays a crucial role in this. This 
political education at the societal level is fundamental to the 
politicization of militants.

94. RELATIONSHIPS AND FUNDS

Relationships can be more or less organic, more or less formal. At the 
political level, anarchist organizing seeks to engage with 
organizations, groups, and individuals from all walks of life who can 
contribute to its practice. At the social level, anarchist organizing 
seeks to recognize and engage with social movements, to become more or 
less connected to them, and even to contact other bodies such as 
universities, councils, foundations, NGOs, human rights, ecological 
organizations, etc. Although we are opposed to the logic of capitalism, 
as long as we live within it, we will have to raise and manage funds for 
the realization of our activities. These funds are important: for 
carrying out social work (transportation of militants, etc.); for 
purchasing books; for printing propaganda material (brochures, 
newspapers, books, videos, etc.); for organizational structures 
(maintenance of spaces, etc.); for travel and other activities.

THE MAIN ACTOR OF THE 95TH TRANSFORMATION

At this level, when discussing social movements, we emphasize that they 
should not be confined within an ideology, but rather formed around a 
need, a common and concrete cause. We understand that only through the 
convergence of various social movements in building a popular 
organization can we overcome capitalism and the state, and build 
libertarian socialism through social revolution. The social level is the 
primary actor in the process of social transformation. Social movements 
should be organized around concrete and pragmatic issues aimed at 
improving the living conditions of the exploited classes in the event of 
victory. These movements should include everyone who is interested in 
the struggle around these issues and who will benefit if the struggle is 
victorious.

96. LIMITATIONS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

Social movements are still subject to changes in circumstances and are 
sometimes responsible for the end of mobilization. These processes of 
regression are also often responsible for the loss of accumulated 
experience and learning in struggles. Many social movements become 
reformist movements, that is, movements whose aim is a correction or 
gain within the capitalist system. Certain characteristics are inherent 
at the social level and complicate this process of social transformation 
(social movements -> popular organization -> social revolution -> 
libertarian socialism). There are organizations that try to ideologize 
the movements, weakening them; there are organizations that try to use 
them by making them function for their own purposes (different from the 
aims of the movements); there are movements that do not seek the 
participation of the exploited classes and become a "vanguard" detached 
from the grassroots; there are movements that function only with the 
help of governments and capitalists; there are movements that are 
completely dependent on politicians, parties, and other authoritarian 
groupings; there are movements that want to elect candidates and 
participate politically only through representative democracy; there are 
movements that support hierarchical relationships where the leadership 
makes the decisions and the base only obeys; there are reformist 
movements; There are isolated movements that don't want to connect with 
others; there are movements that don't produce theory and situational 
analysis; and many more.

97. THE POLITICAL LEVEL IS IDEOLOGICAL.

Unlike the social level, the political level is an ideological level, an 
anarchist level. This political level must necessarily interact with the 
social level, because we understand that without the social level, the 
political level is incapable of achieving the desired social 
transformation. We understand that only through this social articulation 
is it possible to build popular organization and increase its social 
power to achieve the ultimate goals. We understand that this 
transformation will be the result of a contribution made by the 
political level to this social level. Specific anarchist organization 
aims to put into practice a revolutionary politics that designs the 
means to achieve the ultimate goals (social revolution and libertarian 
socialism), always basing action on strategy. To this end, it organizes 
itself as an active minority coordinating ideological militant 
activities that function as the yeast for the struggles of the social 
level. The main activity undertaken by this political level is social 
work, which takes place when the political level interacts with the 
social level. In this context, the political level tries to influence 
the social level as much as possible, causing it to function in as 
libertarian and egalitarian a way as possible. We have seen that this 
can occur directly or through groupings of tendencies between anarchist 
organization and social movements. We say that the political level has 
social articulation from the moment it achieves this, even partially. 
Because the social level changes more than the political level according 
to the conjuncture, it is characterized by strong rises and falls. In 
periods of rise of social movements, the role of specific anarchist 
organization is to push them forward. In periods of decline, its role is 
to "keep the flame alive," or to wait and prepare for new opportunities 
for movement. Therefore, an important function of the political level is 
to ensure the continuity of ideology and the accumulation of struggles 
in periods of decline (and even in periods of rise) of the social level.

98. A PIONEER AS A BEAM OF LIGHT

When we define the political level as the specific anarchist 
organization of an effective minority, we are seeking a meaning opposed 
to that of authoritarian vanguard organization. Thus, the process by 
which the political level influences the social level seeks to ensure 
that it possesses the desired characteristics. If it already exists, the 
political level merely accompanies it; if not, it struggles to ensure 
its existence. Although authoritarians posit a distinction between the 
social and political levels, they believe that the political level has a 
hierarchical and dominating relationship with the social level. Thus, 
the hierarchy and domination within the political level (authoritarian 
parties) are reproduced in their relations with the social level. 
Similarly, authoritarians understand the reproduction of consciousness, 
which operates within the political level through hierarchy and 
domination, and which, according to their understanding, must be 
transferred from the political level to the social level, from the 
"conscious" to the "unconscious." The relationship is not a two-way 
relationship from political to social and vice versa, but rather a 
one-way relationship only from political to social, which ultimately 
becomes a conveyor belt for the ideas of the political.

99. ETHICAL ISSUE

An anarchist organization can only avoid acting like an authoritarian 
party (even if revolutionary) through ethics. Unlike vanguard 
organization, the political level organized as an active minority acting 
ethically does not have a hierarchy or relationship of domination with 
respect to the social level. The aim of the active minority is to 
encourage, stand shoulder to shoulder, and show solidarity when needed 
and demanded, all through ethics. When in contact with the social level, 
specific anarchist organization acts ethically and does not seek 
positions of privilege, impose its will, dominate, deceive, alienate, 
consider itself superior, or fight for or in front of social movements. 
Specific anarchist organization fights alongside social movements, never 
going a step further than what they aim for.

100. FOREIGN EXPERTISE

Unlike authoritarians, for us the social level influences the political 
level, and always should. That is, by comparing its ideology with the 
practice of the social level, the political level will also have very 
important contributions to make to anarchist organization. We believe 
that the political level can only design a coherent revolutionary 
strategy from the moment it makes contact with the practice at the 
social level. This does not mean that we advocate a certain kind of 
"grassrootsism" that understands everything that social movements 
advocate as correct. We know that often these movements have 
characteristics different from what we desire, and worse: they sometimes 
shift to the right, advocating capitalist or even dictatorial positions, 
as in fascism. While we do not believe that we should be at the 
forefront of social movements, we also do not believe that we should be 
behind them, following all their demands.

101. THREE QUESTIONS OF STRATEGY

We can define the strategy from the formulation of the answers to three 
questions:

Where are we?
Where do we want to go?
How do we think we can get out of where we are and get to where we want 
to be?
Strategy, then, is the theoretical formulation of a diagnosis of the 
current situation, a design of the desired state, and a series of 
actions aimed at transforming the current situation and bringing it to 
the desired state. In short, everything in organization, from the most 
complex to the simplest, can and should be done strategically. Any 
action that specific anarchist organization, even its militants, aims to 
carry out can be designed strategically. Behind the design of all this 
theoretical material lies a strategic logic. Designing our strategy for 
social transformation is what we are trying to achieve in this text. 
First, by reflecting on the first question and mapping capitalism and 
the state that shape the society of domination and exploitation. Then, 
by reflecting on the second question, by trying to design our ultimate 
goals, which are social revolution and libertarian socialism. Finally, 
by reflecting on the third question and proposing a social 
transformation that takes place through social movements that transform 
into popular organization and in constant interaction with specific 
anarchist organization.

102. DEVELOPMENT AND EVALUATION

Specific anarchist organization should strive to diagnose the reality in 
which it operates, to define long-term ultimate goals, and, most 
importantly, to identify different periods and cycles of struggle, each 
with its own objectives. This "macro" line (diagnosis, medium and 
long-term goals) is called strategy, and the major goals are called 
strategic goals. Strategy, then, is further detailed along a more 
"micro" line, namely tactics, which defines short-term goals and the 
actions put into practice by militants or militant groups with the aim 
of achieving short-term tactical goals. Each militant has a well-defined 
function and clear objectives to be achieved. Clearly, the achievement 
of tactical objectives should contribute to approaching, or even 
achieving, strategic goals. Assessments are made by evaluating how 
activities are progressing, whether they are heading towards where we 
envisioned, and whether we were wrong about something. In short: we look 
at whether we are progressing towards the defined goals or moving away 
from them. In the first case, we correct mistakes, make adjustments, and 
continue in the same way. In the second case, we change tactical actions 
and ultimately strategy, repeating the same process within a specific 
timeframe. It is this process of acting, evaluating, maintaining, 
re-evaluating, etc., that causes the organization to progress 
strategically and continue correctly in the struggle.

103. STRATEGIC LINE

For establishing a strategic line and shaping the program, contact with 
practice, which enriches theory with knowledge, is essential. This 
contact will also ensure the correct tactical implementation of the 
strategy. Through the program, the specific anarchist organization 
announces its strategic proposal for social transformation. It serves 
both to guide the actions of the organization's militants and to make 
the organization's positions clear to other people who are not part of 
it, making this whole analysis and proposals publicly available. If the 
goals change, for example, in a post-revolutionary situation, the 
strategy can be changed. Therefore, the importance of both understanding 
the actual situation in which we live and establishing clear and precise 
goals-fundamental components in developing the strategy-comes from this.

104. COLLECTIVE DECISIONS, NOT INDIVIDUAL DISPUTES.

In relation to ideology, strategy is far more flexible, as it changes 
according to the social context and the current situation. It is natural 
to apply different tactics to the political practice of anarchism in 
every context and conjuncture. The organization decides on the answers 
to the three questions of strategy, either through consensus or voting. 
It formulates the tactical-strategic line, and everyone moves in the 
same direction. The relatively common practice of many anarchist groups 
and organizations carrying out different actions, to the right and to 
the left, while understanding that they contribute to a common whole, is 
unacceptable. The specific anarchist organizational model requires 
militants to do things they don't particularly like, or to stop doing 
some things they do like. This is to ensure that the organization moves 
forward with strategy. Moving forward with strategy makes anarchist 
organization a coherent and effective organization; an organization 
dedicated to serious, committed militancy, where militants do what they 
have prioritized and work on tasks that contribute most effectively to 
the consolidation of their strategic goals. We must emphasize that the 
freedom to join an organization is equivalent to the freedom to break 
away from it, and that an individual or a minority has the freedom to 
leave if they feel frequently disregarded by the decisions of the 
majority. It is important to stress that strategic decisions, even when 
made through voting, are collective decisions, not individual 
disagreements within the organization.

[1]Anarchists who reject the theory of "dual organization" (see 3, 
"Organization is the Main Principle"), which is the most important 
pillar of speciation, and who cannot be in the field of struggle. 
(translator's note)

[2]Ideal Peres (1925-1995), Brazilian anarchist militant who played a 
significant role in the reorganization of the Brazilian anarchist 
movement and continued libertarian education and organization activities 
despite the repression during the military dictatorship.

https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2026/08/01/sosyal-vektoru-kazanmak-icin-104-adim/
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