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(en) Brazil, OSL: Notes on OSL's role in CSP-Conlutas after the VI National Congress (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Wed, 2 Sep 2026 07:56:51 +0300
Between April 18th and 21st, the VI National Congress of CSP-Conlutas
took place in São Paulo, an important space for political and
organizational debate for class-conscious and independent trade union
and popular sectors in Brazil. The Libertarian Socialist Organization
(OSL) participated in the Congress, presenting positions that, although
not formally submitted as a comprehensive contribution or proposed
resolution, were partially disseminated through a joint manifesto
prepared with the Popular Liberation Group (GLP) and presented in a
discussion held after the congress activities. Furthermore, the
organization was politically active in the formation of slates for the
National Executive Secretariat.
CSP-Conlutas and its potential
To begin, it is important to reinforce our understanding that
CSP-Conlutas possesses significant potential as an instrument for
articulating the combative sectors of the Brazilian working class and
for building bonds of international solidarity among peoples and workers
in struggle.
From our point of view, we understand the Central as a tool for
organizing, coordinating, and strengthening the struggles of the
oppressed classes, and not as a space subordinated to the
self-construction of political organizations. In our opinion, its
strengthening fundamentally depends on its capacity to broaden its real
insertion in concrete struggles, incorporate new social sectors, and
strengthen grassroots organizational processes.
In this sense, we believe that CSP-Conlutas maintains characteristics
that differentiate it within the Brazilian trade union landscape. First,
we highlight its class independence from governments, employers, and the
institutions of Capitalism-Statism. In a context marked by the
integration of a large part of the trade union movement into
institutional management mechanisms, maintaining this independence
constitutes a political advancement for the oppressed classes that must
be defended and deepened.
We also positively assess the main programmatic axes approved by
Congress, especially the defense of the repeal of labor and pension
reforms, the fight against privatizations, the opposition to the fiscal
framework and austerity policies, as well as the reaffirmation of
socialism as a strategic horizon.
On the international stage, we highlight the unity built around
solidarity with the Palestinian people, the defense of the
self-determination of peoples, opposition to imperialist wars, and
criticism of different forms of imperialist domination. These elements
constitute an important basis for strengthening an internationalist
perspective within the Central.
Political differences and strategic challenges
Although, broadly speaking, we share much of the program approved by
Congress in its most relevant aspects, we have identified important
differences in the areas of strategy and organizational design.
The main point stems from our analysis, which starts from the
understanding that the main problem faced today by the working class is
not fundamentally a "crisis of leadership," but a problem of orientation
for organizing the grassroots. While a large part of the currents within
the Central tend to interpret the current challenges as resulting from
the absence of a revolutionary leadership capable of guiding the
struggles, we understand that the central task of the period consists of
rebuilding the capacity for popular organization in workplaces, schools,
and neighborhoods, with an orientation that does not treat these spaces
as mere electoral corrals, in which individuals are thought of only as
numbers destined to endorse policies previously defined by the leadership.
This difference produces important practical consequences. While in many
sectors the priority is programmatic dispute and the affirmation of
political projects within the organized vanguard, the OSL attributes
greater centrality to building unity of action, strengthening concrete
work at the grassroots level, and forming an organized social force
capable of effectively confronting the dominant classes.
We reaffirm the importance of political debate and the right to express
dissenting opinions. However, when this becomes the central focus of
organized forces' actions, we believe the direct consequence is the
weakening of the capacity for organized intervention in the class
struggle, whether in the dispute over projects with sectors oriented
towards class conciliation, or in direct confrontation with class enemies.
This position relates to the distinction we make between the social/mass
level and the political/partisan level of class struggle. Inspired by
the anarchist tradition inaugurated by Bakunin and developed through
various historical experiences of anarchism, we understand that
processes of popular organization must start from the concrete and
immediate needs of the working class, creating conditions for the
progressive development of political consciousness.
However, we observe that a significant portion of the currents within
CSP-Conlutas tend to reject this distinction, identifying it as an
expression of economism, corporatism, or political degradation. In
practice, this frequently results in the presentation of highly
radicalized slogans and formulations in contexts where there is still no
organized social force capable of supporting them.
This dynamic prioritizes a top-down political construction, that is,
from the leadership to the grassroots. Our perspective is the opposite:
to build from the concrete experience of the grassroots, developing
organizational processes capable of gradually expanding the levels of
participation, awareness, and activism.
The Congress highlighted a recurring imbalance between discursive
radicalism and effective mobilization capacity. In many cases, the
intensity of revolutionary rhetoric does not correspond to the degree of
real insertion in the categories and movements. This tends to shift the
center of political activity to internal disputes between currents
organized by the most suitable labels, weakening the unified
construction of concrete struggles.
We also identified a growing trend of the Central transforming into a
space marked by permanent disputes between political blocs of organized
currents, to the detriment of its role as an instrument for coordinating
unions, popular movements, and grassroots organizations. This dynamic
may hinder the expansion of CSP-Conlutas and limit its capacity to
engage with broader sectors of the working class.
OSL's role at the VI Congress
Our actions during the Congress were guided by these principles.
We maintained an independent political stance, without joining permanent
blocs or fixed strategic alliances with any group present in the
Central. Our main commitment remains the strengthening of CSP-Conlutas
itself as an instrument of struggle for the working class.
It was based on this understanding that we advocated, during the
election process for the National Executive Secretariat, for a
composition that would guarantee representation for all the political
forces that make up the Central.
We understand that a more pluralistic leadership can contribute to
broadening the collective commitment to building CSP-Conlutas,
distributing responsibilities more equitably, and encouraging the
participation of sectors that would otherwise remain restricted to the
role of external opposition to the processes.
In this context, the existence of the barrier clause spurred a tactical
rapprochement with minority groups during the dispute over the
composition of the National Executive Secretariat. This rapprochement
did not represent the formation of a permanent political bloc, but
expressed a position consistent with our defense of expanding democratic
participation and the distribution of responsibilities within the Central.
Outlook for the next period
The VI Congress simultaneously confirmed the potential and the current
limitations of CSP-Conlutas.
The OSL reaffirms its commitment to building a class-based,
anti-capitalist, internationalist, democratic, and self-governing
central organization, independent of governments, employers, and union
bureaucracies.
We will continue to defend class independence, the simultaneous fight
against the far right and the democratic-popular camp, the strengthening
of grassroots organization, and the construction of libertarian
socialism as our horizon.
In this new phase that begins after the Congress, we will maintain our
political independence from all sectors that make up the Central. We
will continue to engage in dialogue and build specific initiatives with
different organizations whenever, from our point of view, this
contributes to strengthening CSP-Conlutas and advancing the struggles of
the oppressed classes.
We will defend initiatives that broaden democratic participation,
decentralize responsibilities, strengthen grassroots spaces, and
prioritize concrete action and the daily work of popular organization.
We understand that the future of CSP-Conlutas will depend on the
collective capacity to permanently distance itself from bureaucratizing
and centralizing practices, expand its presence in real struggles, and
build organized social strength among workers and oppressed sectors.
This is, in our assessment, the main challenge facing the coming period.
Libertarian Socialist Organization July 2026
https://socialismolibertario.net/notas-sobre-a-atuacao-da-osl-na-csp-conlutas-apos-o-vi-congresso-nacional/
_________________________________________
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