A-Infos (en) Greece, APO: Position of the collective for Social Anarchism "Black & Red" at the 8th Congress of the Anarchist Political Organization (June 13-14 | Thessaloniki) II. (2/4) (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The current process is placed in an extremely special condition that is 
deepening, as the discussion takes place within a minefield that is 
demarcated by the further development of the intensified attack of the 
state and capital, which shows that it intends to move towards the most 
visible and unbridled attack, that of generalized war, while we are 
going through a period of widespread social and movement "fatigue", 
which has brought about the retreat of social and class resistances.
Our announcement today is the logical continuation of our previous 
analyses, as they have been expressed in the collective bodies of APO, 
and as we had the opportunity to develop part of them in the context of 
the Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations, which was 
hosted by our Federation in April in Athens.

Specifically, regarding the issue of the generalization of war through 
war preparations in the West and the intensification of military 
conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, we had placed certain 
analytical axes that are related to the lifting of the last promise of 
the state-capitalist system to Western societies, namely the avoidance 
of a military conflict on their territory, a process that goes through 
the rearmament of Western societies and their military forces, the 
overall control of social resistance and the cover-up by Western powers 
of the ongoing genocide of the Palestinians by the state of Israel.

The state of Israel, its constant warlike involvement that shapes a 
social formation in a permanent state of war, its neo-colonial ideology 
that combines the most traditional forms of purges with the most modern 
means of technical equipment for extermination, surveillance and 
killing, is today the example for Western societies. Its military 
services in various forms play a role, from the surveillance carried out 
by the Greek government to the special training of Brazilian police 
officers who are called upon to suppress the internal enemy there.

All this preparation in favor of generalized war involvement is 
manifested in political and legal preparations, such as the change in 
the framework of conscription in European countries (in Greece it was 
manifested with the recent change in the corresponding framework and the 
ridiculously indicative and potentially dangerous conscription of women) 
but also the return of the nationalist bloc in a number of states which 
essentially attempts to reacquaint European societies with the ideology, 
practice and "value" of war. In Greece, this bloc is manifested 
politically mainly through the return to the political scene of former 
right-wing prime ministers, who express the pro-war bloc of the 
bourgeoisie, constantly pressing for conditions for a rupture with 
Turkey, considering that in this way they impose the country's deeper 
strategy for dominance in the Southeastern Mediterranean.

Their ally in this process is the so-called "new normality", as shaped 
by the common and fabricated narrative of all political personnel for 
"overcoming the crisis". The crisis of previous years in Greece 
manifested itself as a result of a key point: the fall in the rate of 
profit and the further inability of a large part of the country's 
bourgeoisie to accumulate capital in connection with the fall in the 
"growth rate", the indicator of the intensification of labor 
exploitation in the country. The overwhelming reform of the world of 
work, throughout this "critical" period through the simultaneous 
elimination of all labor rights, the reduction in the value of labor 
power and the increase in the cost of living, highlighted new 
possibilities for the domestic bourgeoisie, which also managed to 
"stabilize" the country in its favor, recovering and multiplying its 
ability to cope with its central, strategic role, which is none other 
than for the country to be an aid to American-NATO and Israeli plans in 
the region, expecting to reap benefits for itself at the expense of 
course of the Greek people and the peoples of the wider region, 
highlighting the country as their most loyal (and necessarily rabid) dog.

The power cartel is attempting to exploit the fatigue of social 
resistance to shape faits accomplis. This "new normality" underlined by 
the right-wing hegemony at the political and social level begins with 
the denervation, undermining and ultimately the death of the radical 
wave of the previous period by the "Left government", a finding that we 
have presented in the public debate since the winter of 2015, to receive 
a symbolic confirmation from the statements of the former US ambassador 
regarding the usefulness of the Tsipras government in all of the above. 
However, we consider that all of this is now a given, today we are faced 
with new issues related to the constant expansion of the boundaries of 
the Right, which constantly incorporates the political agenda of the far 
right at all levels. Nothing excludes the possibility that a government 
composition with an even more reactionary, conservative, nationalist and 
oppressive character will be formed in the coming period. In any case, 
whatever mixture of governance emerges within 2027, it will undoubtedly 
have in common the strategic pursuits of Greek capital, this is the only 
meaning, the only political signal emitted by concepts such as "new 
patriotism", "human capitalism" accompanied by brown-red logos, in their 
attempt to disorient the subordinate classes, the workers and to tow all 
those who define themselves as "progressive citizens" to the chariot of 
the bourgeoisie and its plans.

In reality and on a kinetic level, what we have to deal with is a social 
environment where resistances are diminished and traced back to the 
levels before 2003, when the social condition was underlined by the 
feigned narrative of bliss and continuous economic growth. However, in 
today's social field, with enormous precision galloping, and in general 
the cost of living skyrocketing, while the horizon is blackened by 
clouds of war, the weakening of social and class resistances can be 
fatal for the interests of the poor popular strata.

For these reasons, it is necessary to take initiatives in this 
anti-war-internationalist-anti-militarist direction on the basis of the 
text of the APO as announced in the context of the event held within the 
framework of the Congress of the International and then adopted and 
published by the IFA. It is necessary to understand by everyone the 
common basis that certain "neo-Stalinist" perceptions and readings have 
that dress in the sheepskin of a depraved anti-imperialism with the 
implementation of anti-anarchist pogroms by specific political actors. 
The reports of actors and states of the international system that 
constitute the false anti-imperialism about the need to shape a 
multipolar world show how individual elites think in purely national 
terms, security systems that in reality only ensure their own power, at 
the expense of other peoples who are crushed under the boot of 
oppressive power systems around the world.

Completing this year the ten years of continuous action and operation 
within the APO, we can say that we feel that we have secured to a large 
extent the concept of organization as a tangible reality and not as a 
chimera. We understood that we cannot dwell on an imaginary organization 
without maintaining strong, substantial and permanent political ties 
with other groups and collectives in other geographies of the country or 
even abroad. This was a real and visible conquest, and its most 
impressive characteristic is that it occurred without any ideological 
decline, without blurring of principles, without alteration of the 
anarchist ideological identity. We must emphasize that this is neither a 
choice of "elitism" nor an obsession with some abstract ideological 
purity, on the contrary we know very well that no social revolution can 
occur in the absence of the social base, the social majority, but on the 
contrary, its most active participation is needed for the outbreak and 
organization of the revolution. However, when we say participation, we 
mean the real binding and conscious participation of workers, the 
unemployed, students, pupils, farmers as members of society and agents 
of social change and not simply as followers of the decisions of the 
experts of the overthrow. We are convinced that this framework of 
formation can only be formed within the structures, the framework and 
the content of the federal organizational model of anarchist 
organizations and indeed through the continuous struggle of all its 
fighters. The existence of an example of an anarchist federal 
organization therefore constitutes a historical imprint for the domestic 
movement, especially if we consider the diachronic inability that 
existed (with few exceptions) in the Greek anarchist movement to form 
stable and long-lasting organizational structures as points of reference 
for its action.

The consistency of action and the subsequent experience are certainly 
important elements of the organization, however, they are not in 
themselves capable of forming the necessary conditions to make the case 
of social upheaval possible. The expansion of organizational, political, 
social and trade union structures is a constant goal, along with the 
effort to make our perception and the goals of our action even more 
understandable to both unincorporated social fighters and the social 
base. The aim must be to gather new forces and self-organize in 
unmediated struggle formations in schools, colleges, neighborhoods and 
workplaces.

90 years after the outbreak of the Spanish Revolution in the summer of 
1936, the event that left the deepest imprint as a social experiment in 
the history of social struggles and changes, the flame of that 
proletarian outburst of the anarchist workers and workers, the fighting 
militiamen, functions as an unquenchable beacon for our direction. The 
in-depth study of its rich heritage and its use in current conditions is 
something that our organization must do, not again as a historical 
obsession but because the decoding of the most important aspects of the 
history of the Spanish Revolution, the recording of the breadth of the 
movement, its deep imprint shows on the one hand that the "incarnation 
of Utopia" is possible, and can prove to be extremely useful for the 
contemporary constitution of libertarian ideas.

In the coming period and on this historical occasion, we would like 
initiatives to be taken by the Organization to disseminate the discourse 
and action of social, class, organized and militant federalist anarchism 
and libertarian communism to as many cities, regions and social spaces 
and people as possible. To keep the spark of resistance alive until the 
advent of social liberation, until we take back the baton from the 
global hand of the peoples who resist, revolt and rebel against their 
oppressors in every corner of the planet.

 Collective for Social Anarchism "Black and Red", member of APO

https://landandfreedom.gr/el/apopseis/analyseis/2320-8?start=1
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