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(en) France, OCL CA #359 - Return from the West Bank/ Interview (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 1 Jun 2026 07:47:23 +0300
In the West Bank, but also for Palestinians living in Israel, the
situation deteriorated even before October 7, 2023. The genocidal war in
Gaza, which has claimed tens of thousands of lives, has partially masked
this intensified and large-scale ethnic cleansing. The project currently
underway is that of Greater Israel, stretching from the sea to the
Jordan River, with the complicity of the United States and the complicit
silence of European countries, including France. The aim is, in effect,
to expel all Palestinians from the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza.[1]
Verveine, you went to the West Bank with a delegation from the
Solidaires trade union at the end of January 2026. Can you tell us about
the context of your trip and who you met?
The Solidaires trade union has long been involved in solidarity with
Palestine, for example in the BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions)
campaign, and has also forged direct links with independent Palestinian
trade unions. Independent, meaning independent of the Palestinian
Authority as well as, of course, of the Israeli occupation forces. We
have never had any connection with the Histadrut, the Israeli trade
union that, even before 1948, was dedicated to promoting "Jewish labor"
in Palestine and continues to do so.
Several delegations have visited the West Bank in the past, and we
decided to return knowing that union activists, as well as those working
in associations and NGOs-some of which have been declared terrorist
organizations by Israel-are in a difficult situation and are seeking
concrete contact.
How is life organized for the population in the villages and camps, and
what has changed since your last visit? Can they still work in Israel?
The situation has worsened considerably since our visit in 2019. To be
precise: there were 170,000 Palestinians working in Israel before
October 7th; now 10,000 have permits, and 30,000 work
clandestinely.[2]Crossing the wall clandestinely involves very
significant risks for people, primarily men; there are deaths, serious
injuries, and imprisonments. The revocation of these permits represents
a considerable loss for the local economy in the West Bank.
Furthermore, Israel now withholds 62% of the Palestinian Authority's
budget, which consists of VAT revenue. This means that workers employed
by the Palestinian Authority are not being paid in full. Teachers and
postal workers, for example, work only three days out of five. This also
means that children attend school only three days out of five, and that
the Palestinian economy and society, already severely hampered by
settlement activity, are operating at a reduced capacity. Added to this
situation is the pressure Israel is exerting on international NGOs to
force them to leave the country, resulting in further job losses, which
compound the impact of their departure on humanitarian aid, support for
economic and social projects, education, and healthcare.
The situation in the camps is extremely difficult because Israel, in its
pursuit of total annexation of the West Bank, wants to eliminate them.
These camps symbolically and concretely represent the spirit and
enduring nature of resistance to the occupation and settlements. The
camps in the northern West Bank are facing devastating attacks: military
operations and the destruction of homes with bulldozers. This is also
the meaning behind the Israeli-American attacks against UNRWA, the UN
agency for Palestinian refugees since 1949, which is responsible for
schools for children up to age nine and healthcare centers in the camps.
Living conditions in these camps, which are veritable cities, are
therefore severely threatened. This is also the case for the people who
contribute to their social life: community committees, youth center
leaders, and those involved in cultural and sports clubs, who are
currently victims of particularly harsh repression and imprisonment.
We have a context where people are refugees once, twice, or more. Those
expelled from the camps must take refuge in villages, with relatives, or
in schools. One form of solidarity practiced by independent unions is
providing material support in the form of food baskets to their
unemployed members and also to refugees in the camps.
Settlers are becoming increasingly aggressive and offensive in their
attempts to seize land, with the support of the army and the government.
Have you witnessed these abuses?
We did not witness direct operations by settlers and the army because
our interviewees are in cities and areas that are currently less
affected, but that doesn't mean they aren't. Even Ramallah is regularly
targeted by incursions. But we saw the extent of the Israeli presence in
Jerusalem and Hebron, the settlements under construction on the hills
and along the roads leading to the northern West Bank. Settlers plant
Israeli flags whenever they can. They are marking their territory.
Furthermore, the proliferation of checkpoints and mobile roadblocks
makes life easier for settlers, since many roads are blocked before 9:00
a.m. and after 4:00 p.m. to allow settlers to get to work. Palestinians
have to wait, arrive several hours late, or not arrive at all, at the
obvious risk of losing their jobs.
There are also the archaeological sites. Archaeology is a weapon against
Palestinians in the West Bank, as new measures have recently been
enacted to allow the Israeli state to appropriate the land if
excavations are permitted.
Since October 7, 2023, the Israeli army has been committing genocide in
Gaza. But how should we describe what is happening in the West Bank and
East Jerusalem?
Our interlocutors, with whom we spoke in English, used the term "ongoing
Nakba." It's a widely used term. It means that the Nakba, the
"catastrophe" of the expulsion of 800,000 Palestinians between 1948 and
1949, has not ended. An organization we met called Badil documents this
precisely, not only by tracking the number of refugees but also by
showing all the methods of expulsion: the destruction of villages and
individual homes, the deprivation of property rights and residency
rights... This is also what the "Decolonizer" center in Israel was doing
with a map showing villages destroyed at different times, in successive
waves since 1948. Of course, the situation has deteriorated considerably
since October 7th; for example, the number of housing units authorized
for construction by Israel has quadrupled between 2017 and 2022 and is
projected to increase by 2025[3]. Israel has an opportunistic approach,
meaning that its leaders throughout history and across all governments
have seized opportunities to expand settlements. And we can clearly
sense today the further step that has been taken, the idea also being to
completely break free from the Oslo Accords, whatever one may think of them.
What bonds of solidarity remain between Gaza and the West Bank? How are
the people we met organizing themselves? Is resistance possible? Is
there a message of hope?
Many organizations existed and still exist in these two parts of
Palestine. Obviously, the genocide and the massive destruction of Gazan
society have made the existence of organizations in Gaza difficult. But
links remain with the oldest and most established organizations: this is
the case with the Palestinian Journalists' Union (PJS), the Palestinian
Farmers' Union (UAWC), and the Workers' Rights Council (DWRC), and
undoubtedly others as well. The Palestinians we met do not speak of hope
in the sense of a path or paths that would allow us to consider
political solutions. Their hope is that solidarity from
abroad-mobilizations in the United States, for example, and the BDS
movement-might one day influence the situation. There is more than just
distrust of Western leaders; there is genuine anger and a feeling of
abandonment. Faced with this, the demand for solidarity from civil
society, unions, and associations is immense.
We must also remember that there was Covid before, and all of this
weighs heavily on the feeling of isolation. But despair, isolation, and
anger do not mean giving up. "This is our land" is a recurring theme.
Upon returning, we want to share their experiences but also to build
strong links between professional unions at the sectoral level, as has
been requested of us and as already exists, for example, between the
postal workers' union and Sud PTT. We want to encourage delegations of
all kinds to go back there. They need to see people, to feel tangible
support.
Notes
[1]*The notes, introduction, and sidebar are by the Caen Journal Commission*
[2]Palestinian workers have been replaced by people from the
Philippines, Sri Lanka, or Thailand.
[3]See Jean Stern's article on this subject in Orient XXI.
http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4689
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