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(en) NZ, Aotearoa, AWSM: Pay to Belong: Why Membership Dues Have No Place in Anarchist Organisation (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 25 May 2026 07:57:28 +0300
AWSM has long been a dues paying organisation. There has been some
internal debate about changing this and it was decided to do away with
this model. Unfortunately it led to the loss of a member (who was also
our treasurer), but this is our thinking behind the stance. ---- There
is something quietly contradictory about an anarchist organisation that
charges admission. Membership dues feel administrative, mundane, almost
reasonable. That is precisely why they deserve scrutiny.
This is not an argument against funding political work. Printing costs
money. Travel costs money. Maintaining infrastructure costs money. The
question is not whether anarchist organisations need resources, they do,
but whether a subscription model is a legitimate way to secure them. The
argument here is that it is not and that dues-based membership is
philosophically incoherent with anarchist principles, and historically
at odds with the organisational forms that have actually advanced
working-class struggle.
Anarchism, at its core, is a politics of prefiguration. The argument has
never simply been that a stateless, classless society would be desirable
at some future point, it is that the means of getting there must embody
the end. Kropotkin was clear on this. So was Malatesta. The
organisational forms we build now are not neutral vessels for
transporting us to a better world, but they are themselves expressions
of the world we are trying to create. A dues model treats membership as
a commodity. You pay a fee and you receive membership status in return.
The transaction might be dressed up in the language of contribution and
solidarity, but its underlying logic is exchange, and exchange logic is
market logic. It draws a boundary between those who have paid and those
who have not, and it makes that boundary structurally significant.
Whether you intend it or not, you have introduced a price of entry into
a space that ought to be defined by shared commitment rather than
financial transaction.
This matters because anarchism is not simply anti-state, it is
anti-capitalist in a sense that includes the market relations capitalism
naturalises. When we replicate those relations inside our organisations,
we are not just being inconsistent, we are actively training ourselves
and others to understand political participation as something that is
purchased. That is a lesson capitalism is already teaching very
effectively. Anarchist organisations should not be reinforcing it. There
is also a more subtle philosophical problem, dues-based membership tends
to produce a bounded conception of the organisation itself. Membership
becomes a defined status with defined boundaries, and the organisation
comes to understand itself as the aggregate of its paying members. The
organisation stops being a tool for struggle and starts being a club,
one with good politics, perhaps, but a club nonetheless.
Move from principle to practice and the problems multiply. The most
obvious is exclusion. Any fixed monetary threshold will price out people
living in poverty, people with unstable or informal income, people in
debt, people supporting dependants on a single wage, people who are
undocumented and wary of paper trails. In Aotearoa New Zealand, as
elsewhere, these are disproportionately Maori and Pasifika communities,
recent migrants, people with disabilities, young people, and those
caught in the housing crisis that has made even basic financial
stability a precarious achievement for a significant portion of the
working class. An anarchist organisation that structurally excludes the
most marginalised sectors of the class it claims to organise is not just
failing at inclusion as a value, it is failing at its own political
project. Working-class struggle requires working-class participation,
and not just the participation of the relatively secure fraction of the
working class that can absorb a monthly subscription without noticing.
The standard response to this problem is the sliding scale or the
hardship waiver, pay what you can, pay nothing if you can't. This is
well-intentioned, but it does not resolve the contradiction it manages
it. It still requires people to identify themselves as unable to pay, to
navigate an administrative process, to ask. For many people,
particularly those who have experienced bureaucratic humiliation in
welfare systems, this is not a neutral act. It is a barrier, even when
it is meant to be a door. There is also the question of what dues
actually produce inside the organisation. Money tied to membership
status creates a constituency of paying members who have, in some sense,
a stake in the organisation as an institution. This is not the same as
having a stake in the struggle. Organisations funded through dues can
develop a conservatism, an interest in organisational self-preservation,
that sits uneasily with the kind of risk-taking, confrontational
politics that anarchism requires. The budget becomes something to
protect. The membership rolls become something to maintain. The
organisation starts making decisions not just about what is
strategically correct but about what is financially sustainable, and
these are not always the same thing.
Anarchist and anarchist-adjacent organisations have been funding
themselves without subscription models for as long as they have existed,
and the historical record suggests that the alternatives are not just
viable but actively superior for building movements with genuine depth.
The Spanish anarchist movement, the most significant mass anarchist
movement in history, was not funded through individual membership dues
in the subscription sense. The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo
operated through solidarity structures embedded in workplace
organisation, where contributions were tied to collective action and
mutual aid rather than individual subscription to an organisation. The
distinction matters, money flowed from shared struggle rather than
purchasing access to a group. The organisation was not something you
paid to join, it was something you were already part of by virtue of
participating in the struggle.
The broader tradition of mutual aid, operates on a different logic
again. Mutual aid is not subscription. It is not transactional. It is
the practice of meeting needs because needs exist, funded collectively
because the collective has an interest in the wellbeing of all its
members. This is the financial logic anarchist organisations should be
drawing on, not the logic of the gym membership or the streaming
service, but the logic of the whanau, the community hui, the koha,
contributions calibrated to capacity and given freely because the
community is understood as something you belong to, not something you
pay for. More recent examples reinforce this. The IWW, which has
historically used dues, has also been honest about the ways dues
structures create barriers and has experimented with alternatives. Food
Not Bombs has operated for decades without any membership model at all,
funding its work through donations and in-kind contributions, and has
arguably achieved broader reach precisely because it has no formal
membership boundary to maintain. The historical lesson is not that
funding is unnecessary, it is that the funding model shapes the
organisation. Dues tend to produce membership organisations.
Solidarity-based, need-based, contribution-based funding tends to
produce movements.
If not dues, then what? The question is fair, and the answer is not that
anarchist organisations should simply operate without money and hope for
the best. It is that the alternatives to dues are numerous, and most of
them are better. Voluntary contribution models, where members and
supporters contribute what they can, when they can, to specific projects
or ongoing needs, distribute financial participation without making it a
condition of belonging. This requires more organisational trust and more
transparency about what money is needed for, but these are both things
anarchist organisations should be cultivating anyway. A culture of
openness about collective finances is healthier than a bureaucratic dues
structure precisely because it keeps the question of money tied to the
question of purpose. Fundraising through events, and publishing, for
example, serves multiple functions simultaneously. It raises money, it
builds community, and it does political work in public and is an
expression of the movement's vitality and its embeddedness in a broader
social world. An organisation that only counts financial contributions
is already operating with a framework that privileges those with money
over those with other things to offer. And where money genuinely needs
to be raised from members, the model should be needs-based and
transparent here is what we need, here is why, contribute if you can.
Not a subscription, not a transaction, but a collective response to a
collective need.
The argument for dues often comes from a legitimate place, organisations
need stability, financial commitment signals genuine membership. These
are real concerns, but the solutions dues offer come with structural
costs that anarchist organisations cannot afford, the commodification of
belonging, the exclusion of the most marginalised, the creeping
institutionalism. Anarchism is a politics that refuses to separate means
from ends. It insists that how we organise now is not merely
instrumental, rather it is itself the practice of the world we are
trying to build. An organisation that charges for membership is already,
in its deepest structure, practising the wrong world. The alternative is
not chaos or underfunding. It is the harder, more honest work of
building genuine solidarity, funding our politics the way we want to
fund our lives, through collective care, shared commitment, and free
contribution rather than purchased access. That is worth more than any
subscription.
)https://awsm.nz/pay-to-belong-why-membership-dues-have-no-place-in-anarchist-organisation/
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