A-Infos (en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #10-26 - A fitting recognition. The Committee's speech at the inauguration (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

First of all, thank you to the more than 5,000 people who signed the 
proposal to name a street after Giuseppe Pinelli, where he lived with 
his family and the San Siro neighborhood, which has always supported us. 
I got to know Pino because we shared the same ideals and the same 
struggles. Pino was an anarchist deeply committed to spreading his 
ideas; he had been a young partisan, a railway worker, and an 
anarcho-syndicalist engaged in labor union struggles. He was against all 
wars, convinced, as we are, that only a homeland understood as the 
entire world can eliminate the cancer of war, contrary to what is 
tragically happening today, which is proliferating because it is closely 
linked to the prevailing interests of power and profit.

April 25, 1969, was already the dress rehearsal for what would happen 
later. Fascists detonated explosive devices at the Milan Fair and the 
Central Station, following a well-tested pattern, blaming anarchists, 
several of whom were arrested and given lengthy detentions. The 
operation was led by Commissioner Calabresi of the Political Bureau of 
the Police Headquarters. Pinelli immediately took action in solidarity 
and support of those arrested, and thanks in part to the mobilizations, 
the fabrication was later dismantled and they were acquitted.

On December 12, 1969, the Piazza Fontana massacre was immediately, as 
expected, blamed on anarchists. Many were arrested, some arrested on 
charges of complicity, Valpreda labeled the monster; Pinelli, held at 
the police station beyond legal limits, was thrown from a window. The 
anarchist Pasquale Valitutti, held at the police station and positioned 
in front of the room where Pinelli was being interrogated, was an 
important witness who was never heard.

We all know the primary objective of that massacre: to halt the labor 
movement's struggles for rights, which, supported by the student 
movement, was undermining the very mechanisms of economic and political 
power. The movement's mobilization and counterinformation immediately 
exposed the frame-up, calling it a state massacre, and pointing the 
finger at fascist organizations and the complicity of the secret 
services as the perpetrators, ultimately leading to responsibilities 
within the Ministry of the Interior. As it later came to light:

Giuseppe Pinelli was the designated sacrificial victim. Unable to accuse 
him while he was alive, despite all the efforts made up to the last 
moment, he could be accused after his death. In the press conference 
following his death, Prefect Guida, flanked by Police Chief Allegra and 
Commissioner Calabresi, declared that Pinelli had committed suicide 
because his alibi would not be confirmed. A lie for which neither he nor 
anyone else involved ever paid the consequences. Indeed, he was later 
promoted for these services.

The disconcerting fact that was kept hidden, and which emerged only 
after all the relevant trials had concluded, is that Silvano Russomanno, 
head of the Reserved Affairs Office, a body within the Ministry of the 
Interior, was present at the police headquarters. He had come 
specifically from Rome to direct the investigation and interrogation of 
Pinelli. A combination of puppets and puppeteers. This is also why we do 
not consider Judge D'Ambrosio's conclusions valid, attributing Pinelli's 
death to an unlikely "active illness" rather than attributing it to the 
institutional representatives who interrogated him.

The institutional responsibilities, after the fall of fascism, are grave 
for having pardoned and then reinstated, in leadership roles within the 
institutions themselves, individuals who had held significant 
responsibilities under that regime. This is the case of Prefect Guida, 
former director of the Ventotene prison/confinement center, and like 
Russomanno, head of the Reserved Affairs Office, a former participant in 
the Salò Republic with Nazi-Fascist positions. And many others, who 
remained hidden, allowed the misdirection of the fascist massacres that 
continued in the following years, such as those in Brescia, the Italicus 
train, and Bologna, to name the most notorious.

Equally serious are the institutional responsibilities in school 
curricula for never properly giving space to the history of the 
twenty-year Fascist period, nor to that of the liberation struggle, nor 
to the fascist massacres that bloodied Italy in recent years.

All these shortcomings were among the factors that paved the way for the 
current right-wing government, which, as we know, traces its origins to 
the post-fascist MSI party, which is characterized by its repressive 
laws and warmongering policies, at the expense of social issues and in 
an attempt to rewrite history.

Giuseppe Pinelli has become a symbol, even outside Italy, of the social 
injustice he was a victim of, and we will continue to remember him and 
mobilize until full justice is done. We also remember his partner Licia, 
who recently passed away, who fought for the truth throughout her life. 
It would be appropriate for the book-length interview "Una storia quasi 
soltanto mia," edited by Piero Scaramucci, to be printed and distributed 
free of charge in Milanese schools, as a contribution to the truth she 
championed.

Committee "Una Via per Giuseppe Pinelli"

https://umanitanova.org/un-giusto-riconoscimento-lintervento-del-comitato-allinaugurazione/
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