A-Infos (en) Spaine, Regeneracion: The Modernization of the Radical Right (Part Two): An Introduction to the Most Extremist and Violent Expressions. By Liza (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

[This text consists of two parts; you can read the first part here.]
Table of Contents
1. The Techno-Reactionary Drift
2. The Ukrainian Laboratory
3. Neo-Nazi Accelerationism, the Digital Glorification of Violence, and 
School Shooters
3.1. School Shooters and Stochastic Terrorism
3.2. Order of the Nine Angles, Satanism, and Misanthropy
3.3. Nihilistic Violent Extremism (NVE)
3.3.1. RapeWaffen
3.3.2. The Com
3.3.3. 764
3.3.4. No Lives Matter (NLM)
3.3.5. Maniac Murder Cult
4. Active Clubs and the Aesthetics of Violence
5. International Cooperation
6. Strategies of the New Radical Right

1. The techno-reactionary drift
In the 21st century, a segment of the radical right has adopted the 
language of the future to justify the hierarchies of the past. Instead 
of uniforms and nationalist slogans, it employs terms like "efficiency," 
"innovation," and "digital freedom." This is what I call 
"technoreaction," a mutation where authoritarian ideology merges with 
faith in technology and venture capital. In this model, inequality is 
presented as a natural consequence of competition, and domination as a 
side effect of progress.

The idea that society can be governed like a machine originated in the 
1930s. In the midst of the Great Depression, a group of American 
engineers and intellectuals founded the Technocracy Inc. movement , led 
by Howard Scott. Their proposal was to replace politics with science: 
eliminate the price system and money, measure production and consumption 
in units of energy, and entrust government to technical experts. One of 
the best-known proponents of this movement was Joshua N. Haldeman, Elon 
Musk's maternal grandfather.


Technocracy Inc. considered both capitalism and socialism to be obsolete 
systems, based on monetary exchange rather than physical efficiency. 
They proposed an "energy economy" managed by engineers, where planning 
would be technical, not ideological. Human beings should be treated as 
part of a thermodynamic system: energy consumers within a network of 
controlled processes.

They admired the USSR's industrial organization but rejected its 
politics and ideology. They didn't want to abolish private property or 
establish workers' power, but rather replace both with an order 
administered by technocrats. In practice, their project coincided with 
the drive for Soviet state planning and American Fordism: two distinct 
expressions of the same modern dream of rational control. They wanted a 
supposedly apolitical but profoundly authoritarian society. It promised 
to eliminate social conflict by replacing it with calculations and 
algorithms. What it denied was not only the class struggle but politics 
itself. Although the movement declined after World War II, its legacy 
persisted in American culture: the idea that human problems can be 
solved through engineering and management.

In the 2010s, programmer Curtis Yarvin developed Urbit , a computer 
networking project conceived as a private and decentralized "new 
internet." Each user controls their own personal server, but within a 
hierarchical architecture: nodes are classified according to levels of 
ownership, domains are inherited or purchased, and usage rights are 
organized like a digital fiefdom. The documentary * The End of the 
Internet * explicitly describes and warns against this structure as a 
neo-feudal model: a closed network where digital sovereignty is 
distributed unequally and where decentralization does not imply 
equality, but rather ownership.

Furthermore, Yarvin, also known as "Mencius Moldbug," formulated what 
would later be known as the Dark Enlightenment on his blog, Unqualified 
Reservations . This intellectual movement combines technocracy, elitism, 
and a rejection of liberal democracy. In his articles, he argues that 
democracy is a corrupt and inefficient system, dominated by what he 
calls " The Cathedral "-the alliance between media, universities, and 
bureaucracies that prevents true meritocracy. His alternative is a model 
of corporate neo-monarchy: societies managed like businesses, with a 
sovereign CEO instead of parliaments or political parties.

Yarvin's ideas resonated within tech capitalism circles, particularly 
with Peter Thiel, co-founder of PayPal and an early investor in 
Facebook. Thiel has stated that "freedom and democracy are incompatible" 
and has funded companies and foundations that promote the concentration 
of power under the guise of efficiency.

Among its investments, Palantir Technologies stands out , a company 
specializing in massive data analysis for government and military 
agencies. In other words, it's a military technology that uses a 
combination of cutting-edge AI for real-time operations.

His network, known as the Thiel Network , connects venture capital, 
liberal think tanks, and technology projects linked to surveillance and 
defense. The Thiel Network functions as an ideological laboratory where 
classical technocracy, economic liberalism, and the authoritarian 
aesthetics of contemporary Silicon Valley converge. Innovation is 
presented as a moral justification for inequality, and efficiency as a 
substitute for consensus.

The current techno-reaction combines these disparate elements: the 
rationalism of Technocracy Inc. , the digital elitism of Yarvin, and the 
financial power of Thiel's network. Together, they form a current that 
replaces the old rhetoric of order with the language of data. It is no 
longer about conquering the state, but about controlling the 
infrastructure. Power is exercised through code, through the ownership 
of servers, through the invisible architecture of the network.

Thiel Network - The influence network of Peter Thiel (co-founder of 
PayPal and Palantir).
2. The Ukrainian laboratory
The war between Russia and Ukraine has become the biggest turning point 
for the European far right since the collapse of the Soviet bloc. The 
conflict reshaped alliances, fractured old loyalties, and offered a new 
horizon of action for nationalist, identitarian, and accelerationist 
networks. What began as a territorial war transformed into a testing 
ground for ideological, military, and technological propaganda, where 
multiple families of contemporary fascism converge. The 2022 Russian 
invasion divided far-right movements across Europe. Some supported 
Ukraine, interpreting the resistance as a defense of the European nation 
against Russian imperialism. Others aligned themselves with Moscow, 
seduced by Vladimir Putin's rhetoric about "traditional values," the 
fight against Western liberalism, and the promotion of neo-Eurasianism.

Since 2014, Ukraine has become a training ground and legitimizing force 
for far-right militants. The Azov Battalion was the starting point, 
followed by formations such as the Carpathian Sich, Freikorps, the 
Freedom of Russia Legion , the Russian Volunteer Corps (RDK), and the 
German Volunteer Corps , among others. On the Russian side, militias 
like Rusich, the "La Española" Brigade, Interbrigades, the Russian 
Imperial Movement , and ENOT Corp projected a mirror image: neo-fascist, 
ultranationalist, or mystical neo-pagan or Orthodox fighters, united by 
a narrative of a civilizational war. Some of their members have 
participated in ethnic cleansing, torture, and war crimes.

According to the International Center for Counter-Terrorism's report , 
Russia and the Far Right: Insights from Ten European Countries , this 
ideological fracture revealed two poles within the same reactionary 
space: an identity-based Western bloc and an authoritarian 
continentalist bloc. While the former glorifies the Ukrainian struggle 
as a "European crusade" against Eastern totalitarianism, the latter sees 
Russia as a bastion against liberal globalism, feminism, and secular 
modernity. The report also states that the conflict generated a steady 
flow of far-right volunteers and mercenaries from Germany, Poland, 
France, Spain, Scandinavia, Italy, Serbia, and the Baltic states. Many 
of them arrived in Ukraine through informal recruitment channels on 
Telegram, Discord , and closed forums. These platforms circulate war 
manuals, weapons tutorials, information on border routes, and local 
contacts. Digital recruitment combines war propaganda, nationalist 
rhetoric, and a sense of belonging that offers what civilian life does 
not: meaning and hierarchy.

According to Alexander Reid Ross in his book *Against the Fascist Creep* 
, the far right uses conflicts as "ideological and technological 
incubators": laboratories where violence becomes a formative experience 
and war a cultural product. Ukraine is just that-an open laboratory 
where militants, hooligans, and extremist sympathizers test new forms of 
organization, communication, combat, and propaganda. Every filmed 
battle, every badge on a uniform, every symbol on a flag is transformed 
into viral content.

But the real risk isn't just on the front lines. The return of 
radicalized fighters poses a direct threat to European security. Many 
return with military training, international contacts, and a heroic or 
influential narrative that elevates them within far-right networks.

On the fringes of the front, the global far right found more than just a 
cause: a space where its fantasies materialize and are exported. In that 
sense, Ukraine is a laboratory where contemporary fascism observes 
itself, trains itself, and prepares for its next mutation.

3. Neo-Nazi accelerationism, the digital glorification of violence, and 
school shooters
*Content warning: This section contains references to sexual violence, 
torture, child exploitation, and ideologically or ritually motivated 
murders. These are real and documented events. Reading them may be 
disturbing, but it is essential to understanding the misanthropic and 
dehumanizing drift of contemporary extremism.

Neo-Nazi accelerationism is the most violent and nihilistic form of 
contemporary fascism. It stems from a simple yet devastating idea: the 
liberal system should not be reformed or politically challenged, but 
rather completely destroyed through chaos. For its followers, every 
attack, every shooting, and every crisis is a necessary step toward the 
civilizational collapse that will allow for the construction of a new, 
racially pure society. Its motto is clear: "push the world toward the 
abyss in order to rebuild it from the ruins."

The idea of accelerationism originated in theoretical circles before 
becoming militarized. Emerging in the 1990s around Nick Land and the 
Warwick-based CCRU collective , it argued that the forces of capitalism 
and technology should be pushed to their limits to bring about a 
mutation of the system. The idea that collapse is both inevitable and 
desirable became a rallying cry among digital neo-Nazi circles: the goal 
is not to seize power, but to destroy the current world so that a 
purified white civilization can emerge from its ruins. Terrorism is 
justified as an initiatory gesture, a symbolic act that "accelerates" 
the fall of the system. In this sense, James Mason's book SIEGE became 
one of the foundational texts of neo-fascist accelerationism: the 
strategy is that individual struggle and autonomous action will provoke 
the social collapse that will allow for the "new order."

The two organizations that brought modern neo-Nazi accelerationism to 
prominence were Atomwaffen Division (AWD) and The Base. Both emerged in 
the United States in the mid-2010s but quickly spread to other parts of 
the world, fusing neo-Nazi ideology with a cult of apocalyptic violence. 
Their members do not seek to seize power or create political parties, 
but rather to provoke social collapse through bombings, sabotage, and 
assassinations. A digital ecosystem of Telegram channels, forums, and 
private servers developed around them, where manuals for making 
explosives, racist propaganda, and manifestos of mass murderers 
circulate. One such community is the " Terrorgram Collective " network, 
which functions as a metaverse of hate: a constellation of channels, 
groups, and bots that glorify terrorist attacks, disseminate manifestos, 
manuals, and propaganda, and glorify murderers, classifying them as 
martyrs. In these spaces, violence is aestheticized and goes viral. The 
manifestos left by Anders Breivik: 2083 - A European Declaration of 
Independence and Brenton Tarrant: The Great Replacement function as 
modern gospels: the former inspired the latter, and Tarrant, in turn, 
became a model for a string of subsequent killers. Their manifestos and 
actions contain a visual and symbolic narrative that was later 
reinterpreted in digital spaces and other actions: fragments, phrases, 
logos, weapons decorated with dates or the names of former killers, 
trollish phrases , and justifications that others could adapt to their 
context, all transformed into propaganda material.

The radicalization process begins in anonymous forums, gaming 
communities , and dark humor channels where rage becomes identity. 
Spaces like 4chan, Geb, Skibidi Farm , and other ephemeral forums 
function as meeting points where hatred is disguised as entertainment. 
There, racist jokes and jokes about shootings are not censored: they 
compete with each other and are celebrated. Irony is the perfect alibi. 
In these environments, the line between fiction and action blurs. 
Recruiters don't arrive with doctrinal speeches, but with shared codes. 
Little by little, the victim of this lure becomes accustomed to the 
dehumanizing language. They start by laughing at an imaginary genocide 
and end up believing that violence is necessary. It is a pedagogy of 
contempt, where each message reinforces the feeling that the world is 
corrupt and that only the "strong"-white, virile, and disillusioned 
men-can restore order.

Moderators and veterans of these forums identify the most receptive, 
vulnerable, and unassuming users and invite them to more exclusive chat 
rooms . In these spaces, everything from propaganda to weapons 
manufacturing manuals, military training, violent pornography, and 
survival guides is shared. Anonymity facilitates indoctrination because 
radicalization doesn't require physical contact, only constant online 
interaction.

From this fringe environment of the internet emerges a concept that 
ignores any established ideological framework. "The Soup" is the name 
given when an ideology functions as an incoherent mix of contradictory 
references such as "anarcho-monarchism," "bio-Leninism," or 
"ultracentrism," united only by ironic radicalism. It is not a matter of 
ideological coherence but of emotional affinity.

Alongside this more violent front, a youth ecosystem emerged that has 
been key to the normalization of extremist discourse: the groypers . Led 
by Nick Fuentes in the United States, the groypers are direct heirs of 
the alt-right , but with a more flexible strategy. They don't seek open 
confrontation, but rather cultural infiltration. They present themselves 
as "authentic conservatives," defending Christian and nationalist 
values, but they introduce racism, antisemitism, and homophobia into 
their rhetoric, cloaked in irony. In forums, universities, and social 
media, the groypers have managed to bridge the gap between the 
traditional right and the accelerationist universe: they are the 
friendly face of the same worldview. Many of the symbolic frameworks 
that circulate today on Telegram or in violent propaganda channels are 
first disseminated in these metapolitical spaces before being 
radicalized by terrorist groups.

3.1. School shooters and stochastic terrorism
From this process emerge the so-called lone wolves, although the term 
is misleading. They are not isolated cases nor merely simple mental 
imbalances, but rather products of a vile and manipulative environment. 
They act individually, but within the same digital script. They don't 
respond to orders, but to examples. Anders Breivik inspired Brenton 
Tarrant, and Tarrant, in turn, shaped the aesthetics and script of an 
entire generation of attackers who livestream their crimes or leave 
digital manifestos. Among them are Dylann Roof, Philip Manshaus, Stephan 
Balliet, Anton Lundin Pettersson, Juraj Krajcík, Guillerme Tauci 
Monteiro, Robin Westman, Arda Kuçukyetim, Henderson Solomon, and others. 
Different countries, ages, and contexts, but the same pattern: 
manifesto, live streaming, memes, symbols, martyrdom cult, and the 
pursuit of notoriety. Each adapts the narrative to their own reality, 
but the script is repeated.

These attackers, categorized by intelligence services as White Racially 
Motivated Extremists (WMRE) , are not seeking to seize power, but rather 
to spread a message of absolute hatred. They are products of stochastic 
terrorism. Not all are avowed Nazis, but they share an obsession with 
restoring a racial hierarchy and punishing diversity. Since 2018, this 
type of extremism has become the primary domestic terrorist threat in 
much of Europe and North America.

The concept of stochastic terrorism best explains this phenomenon. The 
constant dissemination of hate speech, without directly calling for 
action, multiplies the likelihood that someone will act. It is a 
terrorism of probability. "Stochastic" means probabilistic: it is 
impossible to predict who will attack or when, but it is known that 
someone will. Radicalization does not operate as a chain of command, but 
rather as cultural contagion. The more hatred is normalized, the greater 
the likelihood that it will translate into action.

This probability is fueled by the hegemony of extremist discourse. 
Concepts like "the great replacement" or "the degeneration of the West" 
are no longer marginal: they are repeated on television programs, in 
political campaigns, and on social media. What was once conspiracy 
theory is now public discourse. Violence is disseminated and legitimized 
because when hate speech becomes the language of the masses, aggression 
ceases to seem exceptional and begins to seem logical. Radicalization 
becomes a collective process, even if its expressions are individual. 
Extremist networks don't need to recruit soldiers, only sow resentment. 
Violence is democratized and decentralized; anyone can carry it out.

It is in this terrain of shared hate speech and symbols that the culture 
of accelerationism thrives. And it is precisely here that Order of Nine 
Angles emerges , a group highly relevant to understanding the logic of 
the new generation of accelerationists, which gave accelerationism its 
metaphysical and misanthropic dimension.

3.2. Order of the Nine Angles, Satanism and Misanthropy
Within this universe, the Order of Nine Angles (O9A/ONA) occupies a 
unique place. Born in the United Kingdom in the late 1960s, within 
occult circles that dissented from Anton LaVey's Satanism, it proclaims 
itself a secret society that fuses Satanism, mysticism, and a cult of 
violence. Its ideology combines spiritual elitism with the physical 
extermination of the "weak." They preach that violence is not a criminal 
act, but rather a test of spiritual will; an exercise in transcending 
human morality.

Unlike LaVey's "atheistic" Satanism, the ONA conceives of evil as a real 
cosmic force. It does not understand it as the opposite of God, but as a 
primordial energy that drives human evolution through conflict and 
destruction. Its doctrine is structured around the idea of "Aeons," 
spiritual eras that mark the development of humanity. Each Aeon is a 
civilization; when its energy is depleted, it must be destroyed for 
another to arise. The goal of the initiate (new member) is to accelerate 
this transition, pushing the world toward the chaos that will allow the 
birth of the new Aeon -that of a superior humanity, beyond morality and 
empathy. Judeo-Christian values such as compassion, equality, and 
humility are considered diseases of the spirit. They believe that only 
those who overcome these "weaknesses" through acts of violence, 
manipulation, rape, and murder deserve to lead the new era. Therefore, 
"roles of understanding" are an essential part of their practice: the 
initiate must infiltrate hostile environments (religious organizations, 
armed forces, political groups, even rival movements) to learn how to 
dominate, deceive, and destroy from within.

In the symbolic structure of ONA, the 9 Angles represent portals between 
cosmic dimensions: archetypal forces that the initiate invokes through 
rituals, dissonant music, geometry, and sacrifice. They do not seek the 
worship of a deity, but rather direct contact with the energy of Chaos, 
understood as both creative and destructive power.

This theology of chaos translates into an ethic of action. It teaches 
that deliberately killing, manipulating, or "hunting" human beings 
strengthens the spirit and destroys the limits imposed by modern 
morality. Hence their recurring phrase: "The strong act, the weak 
suffer." Cruelty, for them, is a form of personal evolution.

The group lacks a formal hierarchy and operates through small cells 
called nexions , which function autonomously. This has allowed its 
global expansion without a visible structure: from England it spread to 
the United States, Eastern Europe, and Russia, where its ideas merged 
with neo-Nazi, paramilitary, and accelerationist movements. Although the 
ONA does not define itself as a terrorist organization, numerous members 
and sympathizers have been arrested or convicted for murder, sexual 
assault, and violent conspiracies.

The influence of the ONA lies in its worldview, not its size. Its 
message that evil, destruction, and sacrifice are necessary for the 
evolution of the species has served as a symbolic matrix for the groups 
we will discuss shortly.

3.3. Nihilistic Violent Extremism (NVE)
Content warning: This section contains descriptions of sexual violence, 
torture, child exploitation, and ideologically or ritually motivated 
murders. These are real and documented events. Reading them may be 
disturbing, but it is essential to understanding the misanthropic and 
dehumanizing drift of contemporary extremism.

In December 2025, Canada designated 764 and Maniac Murder Cult as 
terrorist entities, amid growing international concern about what the 
FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice have termed Nihilistic Violent 
Extremism ( NVE). Also in December 2025, New Zealand took similar 
measures against the Order of Nine Angles and Terrorgram , two networks 
associated with far-right accelerationism and frequently cited as 
influential within NVE ecosystems. These designations reflect increasing 
government concern about the rise of "violence-centric online 
communities," particularly those linked to The Com and its affiliated 
groups. Since the late 2010s, these communities have proliferated online 
and expanded globally, with arrests recorded in at least 29 countries as 
of September 2025, according to Marc-André Argentino.

3.3.1. RapeWaffen

In the late 2010s and throughout the 2020s, a constellation of digital 
networks transformed misanthropy into a system. Inheriting the ONA's 
idea that evil can be a path to power, the earliest documented case is 
RapeWaffen , a faction linked to AWD and ONA. Its main characteristic 
was the promotion of rape as a programmatic tactic: a deliberate 
sexualization of violence understood as an ideological and spiritual 
tool. Its existence came to light after the arrest of a former US Marine 
who was planning rapes and an attack on a synagogue. RW conceived of 
rape both as a punishment for white women for having relationships 
outside their race or for supporting feminist causes. He used it as a 
means to produce more white babies.

3.3.2. The Com

In recent years, The Com Network , also known as The Com or The 
Community , has emerged . It is an international, decentralized network 
of individuals and groups involved in a wide range of illicit 
activities, both online and offline , including hacking , ransomware, 
cyberstalking, swatting, SIM swapping, bricking, sexual extortion, 
distribution of Child Sexual Abuse Content ( CSAM ), fraud, youth 
radicalization, extreme violence, drug trafficking, and acts of 
terrorism. Described by the FBI as a "distributed cybercriminal social 
network," it operates on platforms such as Discord and Telegram , where 
individuals and groups, many of them minors, compete for clout -status 
within the community-through illicit and violent acts.

The Com is a fluid ecosystem that blends digital and gaming subcultures 
with prestige dynamics based on the public display of crime. Its 
structure is based on three pillars: Cyber Com (cybercrimes such as 
ransomware and swatting), Sextortion Com (sexual extortion and the 
dissemination of CSAM), and Offline Com (violence and terrorism inspired 
by accelerationism, occultism, and National Socialism). This community 
often overlaps with the True Crime Community (obsessed with school 
shooters ).

The FBI warned in 2025 about its rapid global expansion and the 
manipulation of minors through sexual coercion. The Com Network 
represents a new form of hybrid threat, where the digital and physical 
intertwine in a cycle of notoriety, violence, and dehumanization.

3.3.3. 764

One of the most notorious groups within The Com is 764. Born in the 
world of sex extortion and gore, it evolved into a culture of filmed 
aggression. Its members, mostly young people, share videos of attacks, 
threats, or self-harm, accompanied by nihilistic iconography. The 
organization combines the language of video games with the logic of 
criminal prestige: each recorded act of violence increases the 
perpetrator's status. In January 2025, ABC News confirmed that the FBI 
had more than 250 open investigations related to 764 and its associated 
networks, describing it as one of the major emerging threats in 
organized youth violence.

3.3.4. No Lives Matter (NLM)
From 764 emerged No Lives Matter (NLM), a misanthropic, neo-Nazi, and 
accelerationist organization. It is dedicated to disseminating guides to 
violence, such as NLM x 764 Classified, which combines elements of 
jihadist propaganda with urban guerrilla techniques. These texts 
instruct on how to attack, record, and disseminate murders, presenting 
the violence as proof of authenticity.

3.3.5.Maniac Murder Cult
The Maniac Murder Cult (???????: ????? ???????? - MKY) shares the same 
pattern. Originating in Dnipro, Ukraine, under the leadership of Yegor 
Krasnov and later Mikhail Chkhikvishvili (" Commander Butcher"), it 
developed a series of manuals that make cruelty a method of initiation. 
In January 2023, the Russian Supreme Court declared MKY a terrorist 
organization, and between 2024 and 2025, international investigations 
linked Chkhikvishvili to plans for attacks and mass poisonings in the 
United States.

These groups don't recruit based on ideology, but rather on 
vulnerability. They use anonymous forums and gaming communities to 
identify lonely young people seeking belonging. The process often 
includes "tests" of self-harm, aggression, or participation in 
blackmail. Humiliation becomes a method of control. The FBI and European 
cybersecurity agencies have documented how coercion and sexual blackmail 
turn victims into aggressors.

The Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) calls this phenomenon "terror 
without ideology": violence replicated through imitation and viral 
spread. The manuals of NLM and MKY now serve the same purpose as old 
terrorist manifestos; they are technical guides for killing. 
Radicalization no longer requires belief. Connection is enough, and that 
is worrying. This opens a new frontier in neo-Nazi extremism where the 
violent act becomes the ideology.

4. Active Clubs and the aesthetics of violence
The cult of the body occupies a central place in the aesthetics and 
politics of the new far right. Since the 1930s, the fascist ideal has 
associated racial purity with physical strength and bodily beauty. The 
body was the visible expression of a disciplined, virile, and 
homogeneous community. In the 21st century, this imagery resurfaces in a 
version adapted to digital culture and combat sports. This fitness 
fascism transforms musculature into ideology and physical discipline 
into political morality. Gyms, martial arts clubs, and outdoor training 
sessions become spaces for socialization, belonging, and recruitment.

The contemporary model of this movement originated with the Rise Above 
Movement (RAM) , founded in Southern California by Robert Rundo and a 
group of activists from racist skinhead and alt-right circles. RAM 
defined itself as the "alt -right MMA club " and built its identity on 
physical combat, male brotherhood, and the glorification of the "white 
warrior." Between 2017 and 2018, its members engaged in violent clashes 
during rallies in Berkeley, San Bernardino, and Charlottesville, where 
they documented and disseminated their assaults as propaganda material. 
Following a series of arrests, several members were convicted, and Rundo 
was extradited from Romania to the United States in 2023. A year later, 
he pleaded guilty to conspiracy to incite riots and was released in 
December 2024. Although RAM was dismantled in the United States, its 
legacy persisted in a more flexible, discreet, and decentralized form.

In early 2021, Rundo launched the Active Club Network , a project 
conceived as the "third generation of white nationalism." Unlike the 
explicitly neo-Nazi groups of the 1990s, Active Clubs adopt the guise of 
a sports or cultural association. Their structure is based on small, 
local, and difficult-to-trace cells that combine physical training, 
aesthetic propaganda, and ideological camaraderie. In collaboration with 
the Russian neo-Nazi Denis Nikitin (White Rex), Rundo disseminated the 
model through a podcast and his production company, Media2Rise, which 
presents the clubs as alternatives to the "decadent modern lifestyle." 
The network expanded rapidly: by 2025, open reports identified a 
presence in at least 25 US states and branches in Europe, Oceania, and 
Latin America.

Active Clubs function as training and recruitment spaces. Training 
sessions, hikes, and camping trips in nature serve both ritual and 
operational purposes: they strengthen group cohesion, create a sense of 
mission, and reinforce the narrative of racial rebirth. Their 
communication strategy relies on a carefully crafted visual aesthetic, 
redesigning neo-Nazi symbols with athletic and minimalist styles, 
circulating without raising alarm. An ethic of the strong body, white 
brotherhood, and warrior self-improvement is disseminated. This image is 
amplified by videos, music, and merchandising such as T-shirts, patches, 
and stickers, which monetize the ideology and spread it among young 
recruits.

The Active Club model has been particularly successful in Europe and the 
United States, where it connects with traditions of hooliganism, 
ultranationalism, and street militias. In Germany, at least a dozen 
active groups have been identified, linked to gyms and martial arts 
tournaments. In Sweden, a 2025 hate crime trial revealed how far-right 
fitness clubs served as a front for recruiting and training militants. 
Similar initiatives are also emerging in Spain, such as Comunidad 
Identitas, Facta, and Viri Montis, which combine workouts, excursions, 
and identity propaganda under a discourse of spirituality, patriotism, 
and healthy living.

Behind the language of well-being and self-discipline lies a logic of 
preparation for conflict. In their manuals and conversations, members of 
these groups speak of an "inevitable race war" or the "defense of 
European civilization," for which physical training would be the first 
step toward a future mobilization. They learn basic survival techniques, 
encrypted communication, and first aid, and rehearse a culture of 
civilian militia under the guise of sporting activities. What they 
present as "self-defense" is, in reality, the construction of an 
ideologically driven combat community that considers the political 
adversary, the immigrant, or the dissident as an internal enemy.

Recent analyses by various international counterterrorism observatories 
agree that the Active Clubs network represents a new phase of 
contemporary extremism, merging gym culture, digital propaganda, and 
political and racialist militancy. Its strength lies in its 
adaptability. It doesn't preach, it trains. It doesn't debate, it acts. 
It doesn't offer a political program, but rather an immediate physical 
identity. In this universe, the body becomes a boundary, training 
transforms into ritual, and violence functions as a shared language. 
Fitness fascism represents a form of politics that no longer seeks to 
convince, but to impose itself-a politics inscribed on the flesh and 
transmitted through force and discipline.

5. International Cooperation
The contemporary far right has achieved a level of transnational 
organization unprecedented since the interwar period. It currently 
functions as a network of affinities operating simultaneously in the 
streets, gyms, online, and in intellectual circles. Its power lies in 
this flexibility. It may appear as a combat group, a media outlet, or a 
cultural foundation, but behind each form lies the same aspiration: the 
preservation of a white European identity, the exaltation of militarism, 
and the rejection of democratic pluralism and the neoliberal order.

The Ukrainian case symbolizes the convergence point of these dynamics. 
Since 2014, the Azov Battalion's sphere of influence has become an 
international hub for nationalist militants from various countries. 
Through its political wing and training camps, the movement offered a 
framework for practical cooperation between groups such as the Nordic 
Resistance Movement, the German Der Dritte Weg, and far-right sectors in 
Eastern Europe. On the opposing side, the Russian Imperial Movement, 
designated a terrorist organization by the United States, along with 
other groups, provided military training to European and North American 
extremists in St. Petersburg, consolidating a space of violent 
socialization where combat becomes a foundational experience. In this 
sense, the war has functioned as an ideological laboratory: it has 
allowed the far right to redefine its discourse in terms of a civilizing 
crusade and to train cadres for future conflicts.

Europe is the stage where this network manifests itself most intensely. 
Large nationalist marches, such as the Lukov March in Sofia, 
Independence Day in Warsaw, or the annual commemoration of Acca Larentia 
in Rome, are rituals of cohesion. These events bring together 
representatives from CasaPound Italia, Groupe Union Défense and Lyon 
Populaire in France, Der Dritte Weg in Germany, Légió Hungária in 
Hungary, and the Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny in Poland. More than mere 
commemorations, these gatherings function as informal assemblies where 
strategies are shared, alliances are strengthened, and logistical and 
media support networks are forged.

This street-level dimension is complemented by a sphere of intellectual 
and propaganda cooperation. Forums, congresses, and conferences bring 
together delegations from various organizations under the banner of a 
white and spiritual Europe. Events such as the Remigration Summit in 
Milan, the meetings of the Institut Iliade in Paris, the Instituto 
Carlos V, and the conferences of the Alliance for Peace and Freedom in 
several countries have facilitated the articulation of common discourses 
among French identitarians, Italian neo-fascists, Eastern European 
nationalists, and American white supremacists. From these spaces emerge 
contacts that later translate into joint campaigns, editorial exchanges, 
and shared audiovisual projects.

The cultural ecosystem that sustains this network is as important as its 
militant structure. Publishing houses like Arktos Media , Passaggio al 
Bosco , and Ediciones Fides , along with alternative magazines and media 
outlets such as Éléments and Europa Popolare , disseminate the same 
narrative: that of the decline of the West and the need for a 
civilizational restoration. Foundations like Europa Terra Nostra 
function as centers for ideological and financial coordination. The 
thought of Alain de Benoist, Aleksandr Dugin, and Julius Evola 
circulates among these platforms as a common grammar that legitimizes 
their metapolitical project.

In Spain, this process has taken on its own forms, yet remains connected 
to the rest of Europe. Groups like Democracia Nacional, Hacer Nación, 
Facta , and Núcleo Nacional replicate the aesthetic and organizational 
codes of CasaPound and Der Dritte Weg and participate in the same 
international networks. Spanish activists regularly attend marches in 
Italy, Poland, and Hungary, and host representatives of foreign 
organizations at local events. Collaborations with international 
collectives are constant and visible in both aesthetics and propaganda.

The project emerging from this network is not merely political but 
civilizational. Its strategy is inspired by a reverse reading of 
Gramsci. Rather than seizing power, they seek to shape culture, colonize 
language, and contest common sense. In their discourse, the battlefield 
is no longer parliament but the collective imagination. The idea of 
Europe is transformed into a racial and spiritual myth, and its defense 
is conceived as a protracted war against cosmopolitanism, immigration, 
and diversity.

What exists today is a reactionary international that combines 
aesthetics, discipline, and discourse. Through this network, diverse 
groups from around the world perceive themselves as part of the same 
struggle. Their objective is not to reform politics, but to refound 
civilization under a new moral and ethnic order.

6. Strategies of the new radical right
The new radical right no longer marches in uniforms or seeks classic 
dictatorships. It disguises itself as a community, a gym, a podcast, a 
meme. Its war is not fought in parliaments, but on screens and on 
bodies. It doesn't want to seize power: it wants to shape culture, 
feelings, and language.

Cultural metapolitics - Culture first, then power. Their publishers and 
media outlets rewrite history in the name of tradition and identity. 
Aesthetics replaces ideology.
Network politics - No leaders, no headquarters, no flags. Hundreds of 
micro-groups connected by the internet act like a swarm, each repeating 
the same narrative.
Decentralized action - A system without a center. Small cells or 
individuals act alone, but within a shared narrative. They strike from 
the shadows, without a visible structure.
Body worship and the aesthetics of conflict - Physical strength becomes 
an emblem. Training is military, fighting is belonging. The body as a 
political boundary.
Ideological syncretism - They mix left and right, anarchism and 
authoritarianism, ecology and racism. They confuse to recruit, not to 
convince.
Community infiltration - They present themselves as sports clubs, 
neighborhood associations, or cultural groups. They construct a sense of 
normalcy around authoritarian discourse.
Digital propaganda - Memes, jokes, and viral videos. Hate enters as 
entertainment. Violence disguises itself as irony.
White transnationalism - Azov, CasaPound, III Weg, Patriot Front, GUD, 
NRM, Legio Hungária , or Lyon Populaire . They march and travel together 
with the same objective: a besieged white civilization.
Appropriation of language - Freedom, sovereignty, self-determination. 
Words emptied and turned against their original meaning.
Economic and technological autonomy - Cryptocurrencies, closed channels, 
proprietary platforms. A parallel ecosystem where hate is financed and 
reproduced unchecked.
The new radical right does not seek immediate confrontation, but rather 
the construction of a cultural hegemony capable of withstanding the test 
of time. Its war is symbolic, emotional, and aesthetic. Understanding 
its mechanisms is not only an analytical exercise, but also a form of 
defense. Only by knowing its codes, its symbols, and its methods of 
infiltration can we anticipate its advance and generate collective 
responses that counter its power before it becomes our destiny. I hope 
this text has served as a starting point for a better understanding of 
the radical right phenomenon.

Don Diego de la Vega, a militant from Liza.

https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/02/06/la-modernizacion-de-la-derecha-radical-segunda-parte/
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