A-Infos (en) France, OCL CA #357 - Italy: Two Years of a Resurgence of Social and Political Conflict (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Our article "Parties Come and Go, Confindustria Remains," published in 
Courant Alternatif in February 2023 (1), concluded with the observation 
that social struggles, however weakened they may have been in recent 
years, were still very much alive. Two years later, we have moved from a 
movement that was still active but too limited to the cultural and 
activist sphere of a more or less radical left, to a profoundly popular 
movement that, even if it is not the majority in the country, transcends 
the political and union frameworks to draw on solidarity with Gaza and a 
pacifist sentiment firmly rooted in society. At the same time, the 
Meloni government is doing nothing more than applying the old capitalist 
recipe: squeezing the proletarian lemon to save an acceptable profit 
rate for companies in crisis.

When Societal, Political, and Social Issues Intertwine

We cited as evidence of the continued vitality of social protest the 
"general strike" of November 17, 2023, against the government's 
anti-social measures contained in the finance law (penalizing employees 
who wish to retire before age 67, as is their right, eliminating the 
RSA[minimum income support], and restricting the right to strike). 
Called by the CGIL and UIL unions, as well as the Basic Trade Union 
(USB) (2) and left-wing political parties, it led to demonstrations for 
"a fairer future" in all major cities. The demonstration in Rome brought 
together 50,000 people behind a banner proclaiming "the people are 
hungry." This numerical success should be put into perspective, however, 
since a week later, in the same city, several hundred thousand people 
took to the streets to protest violence against women. While this was 
certainly a central national gathering, it's still clear that the gap is 
blurring, even reversing, between the two objectives of mobilization: 
the social and the societal, insofar as this distinction still holds any 
meaning. The same
pattern repeated itself a year later with the surge of solidarity with 
the beleaguered Gaza, which served as the backbone for expressing all 
the demands. It's a kind of Italian peculiarity that popular movements 
concerning social issues and the rejection of governments are expressed 
as much, and sometimes even more, in political mobilizations than in 
traditional union action.

Solidarity with Gaza is entering the political landscape...
Outrage at the policies pursued by the State of Israel in Gaza since the 
Hamas attack of October 7, 2023, has only grown, giving rise to 
unprecedented mobilizations. These mobilizations may appear spontaneous, 
but they were only partially so. Starting in November 2023, general 
assemblies became widespread in universities to form activist groups 
tasked with informing the public about the ongoing genocide. Initiatives 
"for Gaza" multiplied in the streets, in schools, and also in 
workplaces, thanks in part to the engagement on the Palestinian issue of 
smaller unions like Cobas, CUB, USB, and USI. These unions made this 
issue a focus for remobilizing the working class and further asserted 
their distinct identity and usefulness in the eyes of the public, in 
contrast to the three major unions.

Initially, the parliamentary left (the Democratic Party - PD, the Five 
Star Movement, and the Alliance of Greens and Left - AVS) considered 
October 7th a terrorist act and supported Israel's right to 
self-defense. It was under pressure from the massive popular movement in 
support of the Gazans that it softened its stance. However, this shift 
was more aimed at attacking Meloni, a traditional ally of Israel within 
the EU, than at actively participating in the mobilization or simply 
calling for demonstrations. It should be noted that the Meloni 
government, too, was ultimately forced, under pressure from the street, 
to soften its position and suspend arms deliveries (3).

... It draws on a pacifist tradition...
To explain this dynamic, which arose without and against institutional 
forces, we can refer to a certain pacifist tradition in Italian society. 
For two decades, any traveler to the peninsula noticed the appearance of 
rainbow flags emblazoned with the word "peace" in capital letters, 
displayed in windows and on balconies at demonstrations. Or rather, the 
reappearance, since it was in the 1960s, in the context of the Cold War, 
that this flag first emerged as a symbol of rejection of war. Regular 
opinion polls confirm that the vast majority of Italians oppose the 
rearmament of their country and of Europe, and that almost all oppose 
the deployment of European troops to Ukraine. This sentiment is also 
shared by some right-wing, even far-right, voters, if not by all of 
their leaders.

The widespread popular stereotype (especially in France!) of the Italian 
soldier only ever seen from behind as he flees the enemy is intended to 
be contemptuous and expresses a certain anti-Italian racism. However, it 
is not merely a militaristic myth; it corresponds to a certain reality. 
A reality that, in our view, would rather inspire admiration! Italian 
pacifism has many facets: in part, it resembles that which France 
experienced at the beginning of the 20th century, driven by a 
revolutionary project, but also the Christian-social-democratic dream of 
a world where war would be purely economic. I refer the reader to two 
films emblematic of this duality: Mario Monicelli's *The Great War* 
(1960) with Gassman and Sordi, and F. Rosi's *Men Against* (1971) with 
Gian Maria Volonte.

Thus, the 1948 Constitution affirms that "Italy repudiates war as an 
instrument for infringing upon the freedom of other peoples and as a 
means of resolving international conflicts." This is a consequence of 
the suffering endured by a country that has only existed since 1861, a 
logical outcome of the Risorgimento, conceived as the expression of an 
emancipatory European process, and whose patriotism did not have time to 
develop against a hereditary enemy.
A long series of mass mobilizations for peace followed, centered on 
opposing the presence of American bases in the south, particularly in 
Naples and Sicily. Although often led by the Italian Communist Party 
(PCI), the fall of the USSR did not hinder this movement, which 
continued against the presence of missiles. On two occasions, Italy 
voted in referendums against the presence of nuclear weapons on its 
soil. We remember the No MUOS movement in Sicily, which began in 2012 
against the construction of a US telecommunications center on the island 
and in which the anarchist movement was particularly active.
Clearly, if the number of demonstrators has been so high in the last two 
years, both for Gaza, against the increase in the military budget, and 
against budget cuts in sectors deemed essential, such as education and 
healthcare, this cannot be solely attributed to the "left-wing masses" 
from the labor movement. Significant segments of Catholicism have been 
swayed by the horrors of the images coming out of Gaza. The memory of 
postwar Italy, devastated by war, still exists, along with the 
instinctive rejection of war. Antimilitarism, therefore, is not 
exclusively a left-wing phenomenon.

... and anchors in certain ports.
From Porto Marghera (Venice) to Genoa and Livorno, calls from 
dockworkers and/or activist groups have multiplied to block arms 
shipments to Israel. The "Siamo tutti"antifascistThe anti-Zionist 
movement spread like wildfire.
The movement for Gaza gained new momentum with the departure of the 
"Global Sumud flotilla" when an activist from the autonomous collective 
of port workers in Genoa decided to join the flotilla. An incredible 
wave of solidarity then swept through the city to raise funds in support 
of this initiative. A demonstration there brought together tens of 
thousands of people. It should be noted that this collective had already 
mobilized in 2021 against an arms shipment to Saudi Arabia intended for 
the war in Yemen, and that smaller unions are particularly 
well-established in the port sector of Genoa.

In two years, the Palestinian cause has become a symbol, rallying those 
who previously lacked a way, an opening, to express their anger. Much 
like the Vietnam War once galvanized energies across all continents, a 
shared global cause empowers individuals to overcome their sense of 
isolation from their own privileged class.

Italian trade unionism
The three major trade unions (CGIL, CISL, and UIL) roughly correspond to 
their French counterparts (CGT, CFDT and FO).

As for the small unions, one of their common points is that they 
opposed, in 2010, the protocol between Confindustria (the employers' 
association) and the three large CGIL-CISL-UIL.

The Cobas (base committees) emerged in the 1980s as a genuine expression 
of the proletarian base following the struggles of the 1970s. Now they 
accept being part of the union galaxy of the "little guys".
The Unitary Basic Confederation (CUB), founded in 1992, is the largest 
of the autonomous trade union movement with several hundred thousand 
members. It is part of the Network of Alternative and Grassroots 
European Trade Unions, like the Spanish CGT, Solidaires in France, and 
the Italian USI.
The Basic Trade Union (USB), formed in 2010 from a split within the CUB, 
is affiliated with the World Federation of Trade Unions, formerly (or 
perhaps still?) communist (Stalinist?). The French CGT withdrew from it 
in 1995.
SICobas (Cobas inter-category union): strong in logistics. Founded in 
2010 following a split from SlaiCobas. (a few tens of thousands)
USI anarcho-syndicalist/anarchist. Founded in 1907, it split in 1996 
into one USI affiliated with the IWA (International Workingmen's 
Association) and another called USI-CIT.
For more on these grassroots unions, see:
"Thirty Years of Grassroots Unionism"
CA May 2024 - Cosimo Scarinzi (Collegamenti) - OCL translation
https://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4158
"The Small Galaxy of Alternative Unionism"
Cosimo Scarinzi (translated by Nicole Thé) June 15, 2012 - La question 
sociale n°3
https://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article1229

The political and economic context
The 2025 budget law is strikingly similar to that of 2023: it aims to 
satisfy the European Union's demands for Italy to reduce deficits deemed 
"excessive" and a "colossal" public debt hovering around 7.2% of GDP. 
However, there's a significant new element this year! It's no longer 
just about satisfying the EU, but also NATO, which requires a minimum of 
2% of GDP to be allocated to military spending. Italy will therefore 
have to include in its budget an arms purchase... which will, of course, 
be sold by the United States.

But the "Italian miracle" of the decades following the Second World War 
is long gone. The Marshall Plan is now just a memory; the steel boom is 
now a flop (for example, ArcelorMittal in Taranto is about to be placed 
under state control to prevent the bankruptcy of an over-indebted 
company deemed "essential to the national strategic interest," due to 
the militarization of the economy). Furthermore, what was once a boon to 
this "miracle" has become a serious liability: a productive fabric 
largely composed of numerous family-run SMEs, once dynamic, but whose 
aging patriarchs have failed to find successors due to stagnant 
productivity and the resulting decline in investment to make them 
competitive. Many of these companies are being bought out by large 
corporations, with the accompanying wave of layoffs.

Italian leaders, regardless of their political affiliation, are thus 
mandated by big business to manage this delicate period in Italian 
capitalism as best they can. There seems to be only one solution: 
squeeze the working class dry. Austerity measures have been implemented 
one after another since the beginning of the century, regardless of the 
supposed political leanings of the governments in power.
More recently, Covid has further widened the wealth gap. The country has 
gained an additional million people living in poverty, bringing the 
number below the absolute poverty line to almost 6 million, or 10% of 
Italy's 60 million inhabitants.

The three fuels of the movement
Gaza, the militaristic budget, and austerity measures are the three 
fuels of the social movement's resurgence. These three areas reinforce 
each other without structurally unifying as leftists might dream, but 
they converge to form an active political and cultural sphere within 
society. While the smaller unions, all more or less marked by the 
concepts of autonomy and grassroots organizing, have managed to play 
their part positively in this sequence, initiating many gatherings and 
often, through their members, leading the activist groups that formed 
around the Gaza issue, the CGIL (General Confederation of Independent 
Labor) found itself in a difficult position. Certainly, it too mobilized 
for the end of the Gaza blockade and even participated in or initiated 
many actions. But it was important for it to always remain within the 
institutional framework and therefore, for example, to respect the laws 
restricting strikes. Furthermore, she has another concern: maintaining 
her hegemony over the world of wage earners and not being outmaneuvered 
by these "smaller" unions. This explains many of her hesitations, 
changes of course, and refusals to unite. Clearly, her desire to 
maintain control hinders the broader development of the movement.


November 17, 2023
During the day of protests on November 17, 2023, against the finance law 
(which we mentioned at the beginning of this article), support for the 
Palestinian people was a powerful presence in the demonstrations. It 
continued to grow in the following weeks. The statement from social 
science students in Macerata, in the Marches region, clearly illustrates 
the prevailing sentiment within the universities: "Showing our 
solidarity and support for those who have suffered the violence of 
Israeli colonialism for over 75 years is more important than any course 
or academic activity. The only lesson we consider essential today is the 
one the Palestinian people have been giving the world for over a month." 
This surge is not unrelated to a tentative resurgence of a student 
movement that had been relatively quiet recently, in a gloomy context 
where the number of hours of strikes by employees had also been 
plummeting for the past fifteen years. It is important to emphasize here 
that student protest is not limited to pro-Gaza activism. It is based on 
a renewed critique of the content and purpose of university studies, and 
not just of working conditions and insufficient funding. Ending the 
corporate stranglehold on education is once again a recurring theme.

The same scenario played out again with even more force three months 
later during the "general strike" day of February 3, 2024.
These two strikes were, in fact, only general in name, as they were led 
by a minority of workers. Nevertheless, they opened the door to a 
broader movement, both socially, in its protest against the Meloni 
government, and in its solidarity with the Palestinians.
There were highly significant moments, such as the blockades of ports in 
Genoa and Salerno, and of certain industries particularly linked to 
Israel: Leonardo and other Israeli or Israeli-owned military industries. 
There were demonstrations, some of which were banned, like the one in 
Rome on October 5, 2024, which nevertheless took place because the 
government was forced to authorize it half an hour before its official 
start, faced with the thousands of people who were heading there despite 
the ban. It was these struggles for the Palestinian people that paved 
the way for the strikes of September 22 and October 3, as they 
established the legitimacy and visibility of the protest for Palestine.

September to October 2025: A dialectic between grassroots unionism and 
the CGIL
September 19 and September 22, 2025: Disunity

The CGIL (General Confederation of Independent Labor) chose to act 
independently by organizing a national strike on September 19th to 
"protest against Israel's military actions in the Gaza Strip and express 
its support for the Palestinian people." This strike only affected the 
private sector, as public services such as transportation, education, 
and healthcare require more advance notice and are limited to four hours 
per day. The CGIL's decision to comply with this requirement and its 
refusal to join forces with other unions led to criticism within the 
organization and significant discontent among its rank and file.

The result: the day for Gaza, organized three days later, on the 22nd, 
by the CUB, USB, SiCobas, and USI-CIT (without the CGL), was 
exceptionally large and unexpected. The enthusiasm to support the 
international freedom flotilla en route to break the blockade of the 
Palestinian enclave snowballed. Shouting "blocchiamo tutto" (we block 
everything), tens of thousands of demonstrators took to the streets in 
all the major cities of the country, with serious incidents in Milan. 
Dockworkers blocked the ports of Genoa, Livorno, Ravenna, and 
Venice-Marghera to prevent arms shipments to Israel. There was strong 
student participation... and that of the Five Star Movement, whose 
position was no longer entirely clear, if indeed it even knew itself. (4)


October 3, 2025: The Union

Given this situation, the CGIL, in order to maintain contact with part 
of its membership, has agreed to a joint call with the CUB, USB, and the 
Cobas Confederation for a strike on October 3rd, with the new objective 
of denouncing the boarding of the World Freedom Flotilla announced on 
the evening of the 1st (which promises an even larger mobilization). The 
CGIL's hardening stance against a right-wing government is also 
explained by its need to distinguish itself from the CISL, which tends 
to submit to government dictates, and from the UIL, which wavers between 
the two.
The CGIL wants to remain a dominant left-wing union and has learned from 
the events of September 22nd...
With over a million participants-more than on the 22nd-(more than 
100,000 in Rome and Milan, but also in Turin, Genoa, and Naples), these 
demonstrations were the largest in Italy in 20 years. Strike 
participation was significant, higher in the public sector than in the 
private sector, but according to the Cobas (a local trade union group), 
it was not yet a mass strike. What was evident that day was a genuine 
unity at the grassroots level and in the streets between local unions 
and the CGIL (a local trade union federation).

Another important aspect of this day: it has, for the first time in 
years, cracked the anti-strike legislation which claims to limit the 
duration of a work stoppage to 4 hours per day.

The success of October 3rd and the growing momentum of the pro-Gaze 
movement made it imperative to set a new date, as soon as possible, for 
an even larger day of action. However, nothing would be simple. A number 
of unions and associations proposed November 28th, but the CGIL (General 
Confederation of Labour of Ile-de-France) unilaterally announced that it 
would organize a general strike... on December 12th. The official reason 
given for its position was that it felt more time was needed to better 
prepare and organize the day, particularly because it mistakenly 
believed that the atmosphere, enthusiasm, and mobilization that 
prevailed at the beginning of October seemed to have waned. The real 
reason was that significant sectors of the CGIL apparatus did not see 
the point in allying with rank-and-file unions, and that many 
apparatchiks clearly felt it was time to return to the old ways: CGIL 
first, great again!
The disagreement was primarily political. Maurizio Landini, the general 
secretary of the CGIL, clearly states that this day will be "fully 
union-oriented," which in reality means that the Palestinian question 
will be put aside, contrary to the call from the grassroots unions for 
whom the strike on the 28th should allow them to meet a challenge: 
"linking the struggle for Palestine to the economic and working 
conditions in Italy."

On November 5th, the Cobas Scuola published an appeal for an agreement 
on the date between the grassroots unions and the CGIL, and for the 
withdrawal of the two summonses in order to agree on a new, joint date. 
In vain.

November 28-29, 2025

The call from the USB, CUB, COBAS, SGB, and others was ultimately 
maintained for a general strike on November 28 and a national 
demonstration in Rome on November 29 "against the finance law that is 
steering the country towards a war economy and to defend Palestine, 
against Zionism and capitalism."
Tens of thousands of people were mobilized across the country in 
transportation, healthcare, education, public administration, and 
private industry. Rail and air traffic were severely disrupted, with a 
24-hour work stoppage on trains beginning on the evening of November 27 
and the cancellation of at least 26 flights by ITA Airways. Urban 
transport networks were slowed or even completely paralyzed. Highway 
workers walked out. Healthcare workers stopped work while ensuring the 
continuity of emergency services. Schools, town halls, and logistics 
platforms participated extensively in the movement. The following day, 
the demonstration in Rome drew well over 100,000 people. This day 
undeniably demonstrated the mobilization capacity of the smaller unions 
as a whole and the relevance of the combined struggle between social 
demands and support for Palestine.
On December 12, the strike against the "unjust, flawed, and ineffective 
finance law," organized by the CGIL, culminated in a rally of 100,000 
people in Florence, during which Landini called for only a paltry 
"progressive tax system and a solidarity contribution from the 
wealthiest," falling far short of the hopes raised in the preceding 
weeks. The suppression of internationalism clearly indicates the 
bureaucracy's desire to prevent both the opposition to the war and the 
support for Gaza from transforming into a political movement for 
fundamental social change-a desire expressed, on the contrary, by a 
broad base of smaller unions and the various collectives that emerged 
during this period.

Many Italian activists believe the Gaza movement isn't as strong as in 
Great Britain. That's probably true, but we, for our part, would be 
happy if it were simply a little weaker in France than in Italy! A few 
years ago, the more or less anti-capitalist political and cultural 
sphere of the peninsula looked to France and its Yellow Vests; now it's 
up to us here to recognize that there's much to learn from the other 
side of the Alps. In particular, we need to learn how to break down this 
deadly barrier between unions and politics, a barrier that strengthens 
bureaucratic structures and stifles the spontaneous movements that 
self-proclaimed vanguards try to control.

To conclude, a few words on a question that has generated much ink and 
heated debate among political scientists, specialists, journalists, and 
many other "-ists": Has Italy become a fascist country? Is Meloni a 
fascist? And what about Salvini? And even the Five Star Movement? What 
is certain is that fascism relies on an anesthetized, submissive, and 
passive population, and strives to maintain this state through terror. 
Current events clearly demonstrate that this passivity is far from 
absolute! So whether Meloni is a fascist or not, I don't care. Clearly, 
Italy is far from being a country where fascism has triumphed, and 
that's the main point.

JPD

Notes
(1) Italy: Parties come and go, but the Confindustria remains, 
Alternative Current 337, February 2024
(2) See inset on the Italian trade union landscape.
(3) Italy is the third largest arms supplier to Israel after the USA and 
Germany.
(4) Grillo, an Italian Coluche?, Alternative Current 230, May 2013

P.S.
For more information, please consult

On the website of our comrades at Collegamenti,
"The general strike of 28/11/25, perspectives and problems" (in Italian)

https://collegamenti.noblogs.org/post/2025/11/07/sciopero-generale-del-28-novembre-2025-prospettive-e-problemi/#more-1405

On the OCL website,
"Fascism, really?" (In French)
CA 355 December 2025 - G Soriano
https://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4578

"Italy Today: New and Recycled" (in French)
CA February 2019 - G Soriano
https://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article2207

http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4640
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