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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #1-26 - Beyond the Backyard. Venezuela and Greenland - US Aggressive Policies and Capitalist Interests (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 9 Feb 2026 07:42:25 +0200
It seems appropriate that a reflection on the events in Venezuela should
go well beyond the traditional "backyard" view, which for over a century
has clearly demonstrated the nature of US capitalism's interests and its
actions to defend its investments in South America. The Venezuelan
events not only concern relations between North and South America, but
must be evaluated for their global impact. Intervening in Caracas
actually conceals the intention to strike much further afield; the true
objective is far more substantial than a South American "caudillo," the
real scenarios at play lie thousands of kilometers away. In March of
last year, an article published in issue 6 of Umanità Nova outlined
considerations on the strategic importance of the Arctic region and the
interest the US administration had publicly expressed in the region at
that time. This interest has been forcefully renewed by Trump and
reiterated just after the military intervention in Venezuela, sparking
international outcry and concern. What was observed almost a year ago in
the columns of U.N. remains highly relevant today for geoeconomic and
geopolitical analyses regarding US interests in new Arctic routes, rare
raw materials, and the strategic position of the Greenland and Canadian
platforms for intercepting nuclear missiles. However, reviving the issue
of Arctic control in conjunction with the operation launched in
Venezuela is no mere coincidence. The military raid in Venezuela is not
"just" a demonstration of US power expansion, as has been commonly
interpreted by the media, but an action that is part of broader scenarios.
Let's proceed in order. First, it's important to emphasize that the
issue of drug trafficking is completely misleading and based solely on
propaganda. The operation in Venezuela was downgraded to an
international police intervention against drug trafficking under the
pretext of defending the national interest, thus avoiding the necessary
Congressional authorization for extraterritorial military operations.
Above all, a shortcut was tested for possible follow-up to similar
operations, such as potential interventions in Colombia or Cuba
(although in this case, the option is likely to fall more towards
internal destabilization than direct intervention). This choice is
extremely dangerous from a political standpoint for a liberal democratic
system, even a presidential one like the United States, as it exposes
the government-that is, the President-to complete arbitrariness, with
the potential for repeated military interventions disguised as police
operations defending the national interest. It's worth remembering,
among other things, that events like those in Libya, Iraq, and
Afghanistan, where a regime, often a hostile dictator, an international
symbol of opposition to US policy, was overthrown, have over time
triggered a scenario far worse than the previous one, far more
complicated even for American interests, where the U.S. often ended up
on the losing end. Having successfully overthrown the "dictator" with
media hype and subjected his eternal enemy to the pillory of a
"democratic process," it is then discovered, once justice has been
served, that he has left behind a complete political and social vacuum
that is inexorably being filled by a myriad of improvised "gang leaders"
and "militias," effectively a fragmentation. Current Libya is a striking
example of this, with a situation that makes even American interests
difficult to defend and subject to constant negotiations.
We will soon see if the Venezuelan situation reproduces similar
scenarios. Meanwhile, to understand what is happening, we must move
beyond the most banal interpretation and look beyond the strategic
horizon of our own backyard, seeking to understand the international
consequences of what happened in Caracas. First, we must broaden our
perspective to China's position in the global economy and, above all, to
the economic dimension Beijing could achieve if it were to add the
logistical and commercial advantages of the new Arctic routes to its
current levels.
From this perspective, Trump's statements, such as "We need Greenland
for national security," have real merit and can only be linked to the
Venezuelan operation. Both objectives are based on the shared desire to
deprive China's production machine, the true competitor of US
capitalism. From this perspective, it is important for the US to
directly manage the world's largest oil reserve, Venezuela, while
simultaneously overseeing the Arctic routes, the shortest and safest
route for Chinese and Eastern goods in general. In short, it controls
the world's largest oil reserves, Venezuela's, and what will be one of
the most important logistics routes for global trade between East and
West, the Arctic.
It is clear that the anti-Maduro operation is aimed at exploiting the
world's largest oil reserves, which are currently Venezuela's;
furthermore, Trump himself has stated that US industries will extract
directly there. At stake, then, is the material possession of what will
be available in the future, and the precise objective of the operation
is to curb the expansion of China's manufacturing machine and its global
commercial influence. Controlling future Arctic routes, which primarily
benefit Chinese trade, therefore becomes a geostrategic priority. It
goes without saying that a potential "Greenland operation" would not
enjoy the media and propaganda benefits of the anti-Maduro operation,
but would encounter obvious geopolitical contradictions. It would, in
fact, constitute the first internal territorial violation within NATO,
difficult to resolve and unlikely to be welcomed by Western public opinion.
At present, US military supremacy is undisputed, but China's undoubted
technological and scientific advances, while not allowing us to make
predictions, make it highly likely that the gap between China and the US
will be bridged in the not-too-distant future. The underlying issue is
that Beijing is faster in innovation: it is here that global capitalism
will essentially take stock of the role individual countries will have
on the global stage. Today, global market competition is being played
out between two rivals. On one side, Trump is appearing with tariffs, a
gunboat policy, and above all, cutting public funding to its best
universities. He severely hinders the circles and minds that should be
at the forefront of the intelligentsia and research, whether foreigners
or fellow countrymen who are not "aligned" with his policies, reneging
on the sacred principle of capitalism according to which business comes
first; first you have to prove you can make money, then you can tell me
what you think. On the other side, Beijing is showing another side: a
fiercely selective school system that selects "its best minds" and
places them at the service of the state and its ruling classes, engaged
in unprecedented exploitation, winning the challenge for innovation and
the future. Chinese capitalism is more pragmatic; it has learned this
for millennia. During the "Great Leap," Deng Xiaoping, the father of
modern China, revived the ancient Mandarin saying, more relevant today
than ever: "It doesn't matter whether the cat is black or white, as long
as it catches the mouse." This means that business deals are concluded
with all governments or private parties, regardless of their color,
because the important thing is that the deal goes well. Unfortunately,
those who pay the price are always the exploited, and the oppressor is
always the state.
Daniele Ratti
https://umanitanova.org/aldila-del-giardino-di-casa-venezuela-e-groenlandia-politiche-di-aggressione-usa-e-interessi-del-capitale/
_________________________________________
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