A-Infos (en) Italy, FdCA, IL CANTIERE #39 - "Nisi nadlezan": How the Student Movement Drives Political Change in Serbia (2024/2025) Katarina Beshirevic (*) - Introduction (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

In November 2024, what may be considered the largest student movement in 
Europe since the 1960s erupted in Serbia. The spark was a tragic 
event-the collapse of a train station roof in Novi Sad-which transformed 
anger over government corruption and inefficiency into a wave of 
collective mobilization. Since then, students have occupied faculties 
and universities across the country, suspending classes and transforming 
classrooms into permanent assembly spaces. The protests quickly spread 
to over 250 cities, towns, and villages, giving rise to a movement that 
has brought the rule of law, the functioning of institutions, and the 
democratization of Serbian society back to the center of public debate.
The chosen slogan, "Nisi nadlezan" ("It's Not Your Competence"), has 
become a symbol of the protests: a direct criticism of President 
Aleksandar Vucic, accused of exceeding the constitutional limits of his 
mandate.
This article compares the 2024/2025 student movement with previous 
protests in Serbia-the 1968 and 1996/1997 protests-to understand how 
student mobilizations can effectively "dictate" political change.
The slogan "Nisi nadlezan" and the movement's origins
The motto that gives the movement its title, "Nisi nadlezan"-which in 
Serbian literally means "It's Not Your Competence"-was adopted from the 
first days of the protests. With this phrase, the students wanted to 
send a clear message: President Aleksandar Vucic must respect the limits 
of his constitutional role and stop directly interfering in the 
functioning of institutions.
The movement's explosion did not occur in a vacuum. For years, Serbian 
society had been marked by systemic corruption, a lack of transparency, 
and the progressive centralization of political power. However, the 
collective outrage was triggered by a tragic and symbolic event: the 
collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad train station on November 1, 2024, 
which claimed numerous lives. The incident exposed not only the 
negligence of the authorities, but also the profound political 
responsibilities associated with the management of public works.
Since that event, the students have transformed their grief and anger 
into organization. The first assemblies were held within the occupied 
faculties, where it was decided to extend the protest nationwide. In 
just a few weeks, more than 250 locations-from large urban centers to 
small villages-have been swept by marches, demonstrations, and 
solidarity initiatives.
The movement's strength also lies in its ability to communicate simply 
and directly. "Nisi nadlezan" is more than just a slogan: it summarizes 
the rift between citizens and power, and a way of asserting that 
politics cannot appropriate every aspect of public life.

Organization and Strategies

From its earliest days, the student movement has distinguished itself 
by its horizontal structure and its rejection of any form of centralized 
leadership. Key decisions are made in plenums, open assemblies in which 
all participants have the right to speak and vote.
To streamline daily operations, several working groups have been 
created: communications, logistics, security, media relations, and 
fundraising. In this way, the movement manages to coordinate without 
sacrificing the principle of horizontality.
Another important feature is the rotation of spokespeople: each day, a 
different face appears before journalists, ensuring that no single 
leader emerges to be targeted with repression or defamation. This 
approach has reinforced the idea that this is not a movement led by 
individual figures, but by a determined collective.
Financially, the initiatives are supported through spontaneous donations 
and online campaigns, which have allowed them to maintain their 
independence from political forces and parties.
Thanks to this organization, the university occupations held out for 
weeks, transforming the faculties into open political spaces, places for 
debate and self-education. The choice of a horizontal and inclusive 
model has made it difficult for the government to isolate leaders, 
fragment the movement, or repress it with targeted arrests.
Demands and initial results
From the beginning, the movement formulated a series of concrete 
demands, aimed at addressing both those immediately responsible for the 
Novi Sad tragedy and the structural issues of Serbian politics.
Among the main demands:
* the publication of all documents related to the reconstruction and 
maintenance of the collapsed railway station;
* the identification and punishment of those directly responsible, both 
among the builders and public officials;
* the resignation of the ministers and officials involved, with the 
assumption of political responsibility;
* an increase in the budget allocated to higher education and research;
* greater transparency of institutions and strict adherence to 
constitutional limits by the President.
The protests have also produced concrete results: under pressure from 
the protests, Prime Minister Milosh Vucevic and several members of the 
government have resigned. A parliamentary inquiry into railway 
infrastructure procurement has also been launched.
It should be noted, however, that the movement has not explicitly called 
for the removal of President Vucic. Rather, the students insist that he 
respect the constitutional limits of his office and not concentrate 
powers that do not belong to him.
Historical Precedents: 1968 and 1996/1997
To better understand the significance of the 2024/2025 movement, the 
author compares it to two crucial moments in recent Serbian history: the 
student protests of 1968 and 1996/1997.
In 1968, in the midst of socialist Yugoslavia, students occupied 
universities and took to the streets to protest the economic reform that 
accentuated social inequality and the bureaucracy of the system. 
Although forcefully repressed, those demonstrations opened a space for 
criticism that marked an entire generation.
Between 1996 and 1997, however, young people were at the forefront of 
the mobilizations against Slobodan Miloshevic's government, which had 
refused to recognize the results of the municipal elections won by the 
opposition. For months, Belgrade and other cities were gripped by 
demonstrations and occupations: eventually, the regime was forced to 
recognize the opposition's victory in several municipalities, marking 
the first crack in Miloshevic's authoritarianism.
Compared to these precedents, the current movement takes place in a 
different context: today's Serbia is neither a socialist country nor an 
open dictatorship, but a formal democracy characterized by a strong 
centralization of power, media control, and widespread corruption.
Continuity with the past is seen in the students' ability to transform 
the university into a political forum and give voice to broader social 
discontent. But there are also significant differences: today's protests 
must confront a much more fragmented society and a political class that 
has learned to neutralize dissent with partial promises or cosmetic reforms.
Limits, Challenges, and Prospects
The student movement of 2024/2025 has already achieved tangible results, 
but it faces decisive challenges.
The choice of a horizontal, leaderless organization is both a strength 
and a vulnerability. On the one hand, it makes it difficult for the 
government to target arrests or delegitimize a charismatic leader; on 
the other, it can hinder the ability to develop a long-term political 
strategy.
A real risk is that the authorities will resort to cosmetic reforms, 
with symbolic resignations and partial investigations, without truly 
addressing the structures of power and corruption. The government's 
control over the media also poses an obstacle: the official narrative 
often seeks to portray the protests as disorderly or manipulated by the 
opposition, thus undermining their legitimacy.
Yet, despite these limitations, the movement has already demonstrated 
that civil society in Serbia is capable of setting the political agenda, 
forcing those in power to respond to demands that would otherwise have 
been ignored. The main lesson is that students, organized collectively 
and in solidarity, can become a political actor capable of impacting 
public life, just as they did in the past.
The future of the movement remains open. Much will depend on its ability 
to maintain lively participation, forge alliances with other social 
sectors, and transform the energy of the streets into lasting 
institutional change.

*Note about the author
Katarina Beshirevic teaches and conducts research at the Faculty of 
Philosophy in Belgrade. She closely follows social movements and youth 
struggles in the Balkans, with a particular focus on processes of 
grassroots democratization.
Source
Translation from the article by Katarina Beshirevic, ""Nisi nadlezan": 
How a Student Movement Dictates Political Change in Serbia (2024/2025)," 
Contemporary Southeastern Europe, vol. 12, no. 1, 2025, pp. 30-38. DOI: 
10.25364/02.12:2025.1.3.

The author's notes have been omitted from the translation.

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