A-Infos (en) France, UCL AL #364 - International - Daniel Kuanene Wea: "We cannot shape the future of Kanaky without the Kanak people" (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

After the 2024 events against the electoral thaw, which resulted in 15 
deaths, the imprisonment of a large number of mobilized youth, and the 
deportation of Kanak independence activists, a draft agreement called 
Bougival was proposed by the Ministry of Overseas Territories. A 
delegation from the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front 
(FLNKS) initially met with Manuel Valls, but ultimately decided to 
denounce this draft agreement. Alternative libertaire is publishing an 
interview with Daniel Kuanene Wea on the new era unfolding around the 
Kanak independence struggle.

Can you explain the reasons for the rejection of the draft Bougival 
agreement?

It is important to know that there were four agreements that were, for 
us, essential to establishing a process of decolonization in Kanaky. In 
1983, with the Nainville-les-Roches Agreement, our elders chose the path 
of independence rather than departmentalization. This has always been 
assumed by the State and it also commits us to a societal project. It is 
inclusive and we have chosen to recognize the "victims of history": 
those deported to the penal colony at the end of the 19th century and 
those who came with the nickel boom in the 20th century and Pierre 
Messmer's desire to send white people to Kanaky. We recognize these 
people, but it is up to us to decide the political trajectory of our 
country. After the "Events"[1]in 1984, the Matignon Accords followed in 
1988. Initially, it was a social and economic peace agreement, but it 
contained nothing regarding the desire to achieve full sovereignty and 
independence. Hence the Oudinot Accords, which immediately afterward led 
our country into a decolonization process lasting several years. This 
process would be re-initiated with the Nouméa Accord, which would effect 
a transfer of powers to the country for autonomous political governance 
recognized by the French Constitution. Hence the idea last year of 
amending the French Constitution to revise the Nouméa Accord, which 
continues today with Bougival. The trajectory is clear, however: the 
transfer of powers has been completed, and now the sovereign powers remain.

Daniel Kuanene Wea is the president of the Kanak Movement in France. 
Roug Photo Library/Martin Noda
The basis for discussion for us is therefore the Nouméa Accord, meaning 
that we must discuss sovereign powers. But to discuss power around 
Indo-Pacific strategies or nickel, we must move beyond our status as 
colonized people to become a people recognized in the eyes of the world 
and by UN Resolution 14, in order to be able to discuss state-to-state. 
This spirit of the Nouméa Accord is not found in the Bougival project, 
which is nothing more than a veil of ideology and words to hide a desire 
to keep Kanaky within France. For example, the notion of the Kanak 
people, which was recognized as the first people in the Nouméa Accord, 
is no longer present. We are defined as a community among others in 
Kanaky, we speak of the "Caledonian people," when in fact we are an 
indigenous people with traditions and cultures, a special relationship 
with the land, the environment, the sea, the space in which we live. It 
is for all these reasons that we reject the Bougival project.

What sequence will this draft Bougival agreement open in the Kanak movement?

For the moment, we have been observing since the fall of the Bayrou 
government, remaining attentive and mindful of the evolution of the 
French political situation. We hope to re-examine the text itself after 
a government reshuffle. The draft agreement was proposed on September 29 
for discussion in the National Assembly with the aim of postponing this 
year's provincial elections to June 2026. This election will define the 
government and Congress in New Caledonia. It is these bodies that will 
therefore lead the discussions on the continuation of decolonization or 
remaining part of France, as Macron wishes. The second step planned by 
Manuel Valls, Minister of Overseas Territories, is a consultation in 
October to amend the Constitution and replace the Nouméa Accord with the 
Bougival Accord. We are therefore committed to these two dates against 
the State's forced passage. We are organizing a mobilization on 
September 26 in Paris to demonstrate our discontent. This involves 
mobilizing on the ground, but also lobbying parliamentarians about the 
dangers of this postponement of the elections and the amendment of the 
Constitution. The FLNKS did not participate in the signing; this is the 
first time since the revolts that fueled our demands that it has not 
been heard and listened to by the State.

Will the Kanak movement also engage with the population in the social 
unrest that began after the government's censorship?

On September 10, I was in Nîmes, like other representatives of the Kanak 
Movement in France (MKF) in other cities. We were present with our 
flags; I had the opportunity to speak to show our support and explain 
why we are so concerned by Macron's policy. We also engage with other 
organizations and movements, such as Palestine solidarity groups. We 
tour summer schools and the Fête de l'Humanité to challenge activists 
and politicians about the situation, and we will continue to do so.

Kanak procession during the March 22, 2025, demonstration in Paris 
against racism and fascism. Phototheque.org/Patrice Leclerc
In this context, what avenues of action can we take as anti-colonialists 
in France?

What we can already do at our level is raise awareness through our 
networks of struggles, but also through our political representatives. 
There is a real danger in postponing the elections, which, like last 
year, could add fuel to the fire. France's elected officials must be 
aware that we cannot shape the future of Kanaky without the Kanak 
people. France cannot unilaterally, with its right-wing New Caledonian 
political representatives, govern our country's policy. We must also be 
careful not to use the Kanak issue as a propaganda tool. Many are 
becoming aware of the unique nature of our struggle. There are the 
upcoming September-October deadlines, of course, but we must also work 
with certain organizations to develop a political program on the issue 
of decolonization. Many talk about Kanaky, the prisoners, but when we 
question them on the subject, no one responds. When we listen, for 
example, to Mélenchon at the "Universités d'été insoumises" (Resoumises 
Summer Schools), who praises the grandeur of France's economic zone, the 
extent of its waters, and its borders, he forgets that one of these 
borders lies on land that belongs to a first people. He includes Kanaky 
in the issue of borders to be managed. We must not forget the main issue 
of decolonization. Without resolving this issue, we cannot resolve the 
country's economic and social crisis. We really need to make the root of 
the problem visible.

What is the MKF's current work and how can we promote its campaigns?

The Kanak Movement in France (Mouvement Kanak en France) was established 
in 2004, initially to support Kanak students here in France and help 
them integrate and find employment in their country. Since then, a 
second objective has been established: the political education of young 
people and raising awareness among French and international public 
opinion about the cause of our country's independence. We are mobilizing 
around the Bougival project and are continuing to address the issue of 
aid for prisoners. There are online fundraising campaigns circulating. 
We are also working with the Kanaky Solidarity Collective, which brings 
together several associations, collectives, unions, and organizations 
that support us. Committees are present throughout France. Last year, 
for example, we held a public meeting in Lille to launch the MKF and 
Kanaky Solidarity.

Interview by Judi (UCL International Relations Committee)

Validate

[1]Conflict between supporters and opponents of independence between 
1984 and 1988.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Daniel-Kuanene-Wea-On-ne-dessine-pas-l-avenir-de-la-Kanaky-sans-le-peuple-kanak
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