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(en) Brazil, OSL, Libera #182 - THE 'FORA DERRITE' CAMPAIGN AND THE TRUE ROLE OF THE POLICE IN CAPITALISM (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 17 Sep 2025 09:03:24 +0300


Public security policy in the state of São Paulo is experiencing an escalation in police violence. In 2024, police lethality increased 65% compared to the previous year. Brutal cases, such as the one involving a man thrown from a bridge by a police officer, or the invasion of a funeral in Bauru, demonstrate that the state considers the majority of the population its enemy. At the center of this repressive machinery is Public Security Secretary Guilherme Derrite-a former member of the Rota party, a Bolsonaro supporter, and the perpetrator of the massacres on the São Paulo coast. His continued presence is unsustainable. Therefore, movements and collectives have created the Fora Derrite campaign in the state.
But it is important to remember that police violence is not a deviation; it is part of the logic of the capitalist-statist system. The police were not created to fight crime, but as a tool of social control. In England and the United States, between 1825 and 1855, the modern police force emerged as a response to urban riots, workers' strikes, and slave uprisings-not to rising crime. The bourgeoisie needed to contain the collective action of the working class and discipline the new urban workforce. Hence the central function of the police: to act against the oppressed masses.
That's why the police kill. They kill Ryan, a 4-year-old child, with a shot in Santos. They kill Manuela, a persecuted teenager. They kill Gabriel Renan, Victória Manoelly, and Marco Aurélio. They carry out the so-called Operations Shield and Summer, carried out on the coast of São Paulo, with executions, concealment of bodies, and falsification of evidence. These are no exception. They are victims of a security policy that acts as a war against Black and peripheral people. In Brazil, this pattern is historic. Whether in São Paulo, led by Bolsonaro supporters, Bahia, governed by the Workers' Party (PT), or Rio de Janeiro, governed by the so-called centrão (centrão), militarization is the rule-and punishment for murderous police officers is almost nonexistent.
Meanwhile, femicides are breaking records, women's safety is neglected, and crimes like theft and assault are on the rise. Police are caught acting for organized crime-as in the case of military police officers and police chiefs involved in drug trafficking in Cracolândia. The so-called "war on drugs," which fuels these massacres, has failed as a policy and triumphs as a mechanism of social control. Instead of attacking large-scale drug trafficking, it attacks Black youth. Instead of confronting the capital that profits from money laundering, it represses those living in the periphery.
The creation of the modern police force in London, after the Peterloo Massacre (1819), responded precisely to the need to contain large-scale popular demonstrations without producing martyrs. The role of the police was-and still is-to ensure the social order imposed by those above. Repression is not a diversion, it is a project. The police repress strikes, demonstrations, and any attempt at independent organization by the working class.
In the past, and in various forms of social organizations today, autonomous communities resolved and resolved conflicts through mutual responsibility. Without police, but rather through collective forms of justice. With the advance of capitalism and the growth of cities, the State began to centralize control over the population. This is where the modern police force was born: to repress, monitor, and demobilize.
Today, in Brazil, we see the militarization of Civil and Municipal Guards, the political use of repression, and the "prisômetro" (prisômetro) as criminal marketing (the prisômetro is an LED panel in São Paulo that displays arrests made in the city in real time, focusing on Smart Sampa, a camera system with facial recognition). All of this strengthens the criminalization of poverty. Derrite's role in this process is central, but not individual. Therefore, saying "Out with Derrite" opens a dispute over meaning: for a different security policy and a different social project.

The fight for justice involves remembering the victims, denouncing the murderers, and organizing the peripheries. It's time to break the cycle of massacres. Derrite must fall. And with it, the entire logic of war against the people. May solidarity, popular self-defense, and collective power rise up against state terror.

https://socialismolibertario.net/
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