A-Infos (en) Spaine, Regeneracion: The Transition Phase in Anarchism By Miguel G. (de, en, it, pt, tr)[Automatic translation]

As soon as there are revolutionary proposals for systemic change, those 
who propose these social changes often consider initiating a transition 
period. This is due to the difficulty of immediately implementing the 
revolutionary model, as there would logically be resistance from the 
population who are unfamiliar with or do not share this new social 
model. ---- In Marxism, the issue is resolved with the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, which, according to some of its proponents, will be a 
transitional period that will use the levers and mechanisms of the 
bourgeois state to gradually implement socialism. To launch the 
socialist state, a great force is required to organize and direct this 
process: the Communist Party. Thus, the Party will become the State in 
this phase. Later, according to Marxism, the state should be dissolved 
or disbanded, as the socialist model advances.

We already know the practical outcome of this political gamble, as it 
has been applied numerous times. Bakunin himself, before countries 
implemented the dictatorship of the proletariat, warned of its dangers:

A convinced enemy of the State and of all economic, political, legal, 
and religious institutions of the State; an enemy in general of 
everything that, in the language of doctrinaires, is called the 
beneficial guardianship exercised in any form by intelligent and 
naturally disinterested minorities over the masses; Convinced that the 
economic emancipation of the proletariat, the great liberty, the real 
liberty of individuals and the masses, and the universal organization of 
human equality and justice-that the humanization of the human herd, in a 
word, is incompatible with the existence of the State or any other form 
of authoritarian organization-since 1868, the time of my entry into the 
International in Geneva, I began a crusade against the very principle of 
authority. I began to publicly preach the abolition of States, the 
abolition of all governments, of everything called domination, tutelage, 
power, including, of course, the so-called revolutionary and provisional 
abolition that the Jacobins of the International, whether disciples of 
Marx or not, recommend to us as an absolutely necessary means of 
transition, that's what they claim, to consolidate and organize the 
victory of the proletariat. I always thought, and I think today more 
than ever, that this dictatorship, a disguised resurrection of the 
State, can never produce any effect other than to paralyze and kill the 
very vitality and power of the popular revolution. 1

Consequently, we can ask ourselves the question of what body replaces 
the state in these moments of transition, when libertarian communism has 
not yet been fully established. Bakunin himself, in his Revolutionary 
Catechism, gives us an outline of an answer:

The internal reorganization of each country on the basis of the absolute 
freedom of each individual, of productive associations, and of communities.

The basic unit of every political organization in each country must be 
the completely autonomous community, constituted by the majority vote of 
all adults of both sexes.

The province must be nothing other than a free federation of autonomous 
communities.

The nation must be nothing other than a federation of autonomous provinces.

It is probable, and highly desirable, that when the hour of the People's 
Revolution once again strikes, all nations will unite in fraternal 
solidarity and forge an inalienable alliance against the coalition of 
reactionary nations. This alliance will be the seed of the future 
Universal Federation of Peoples, which, if possible, will encompass the 
entire world. The International Federation of Revolutionary Peoples, 
with a Parliament, a Tribunal, and an International Executive Committee, 
is naturally based on the principles of the revolution.

Intelligent and free labor will necessarily be collective labor. Each 
person, of course, will be free to work alone or collectively. But there 
is no doubt that, apart from the work best performed by an individual, 
everyone will prefer collective labor in industrial or even scientific 
enterprises. Because association splendidly multiplies the productive 
capacity of each worker; consequently, a member cooperating in a 
productive association will earn more in less time. When free productive 
associations (which will include members of cooperatives and labor 
organizations) organize voluntarily according to their specific needs 
and abilities, they will transcend all national boundaries and form an 
immense universal economic federation.
This organization will include an Industrial Parliament to which the 
associations will provide accurate, detailed, and large-scale 
statistics. By quantifying stocks and demand, the Parliament will 
distribute and allocate world industrial production to the various 
nations. Trade and industrial crises, stagnation (unemployment), the 
erosion of capital, and so on, will cease to plague humanity; the 
emancipation of human labor will regenerate the world.2

With all this, we can see the society Bakunin advocated. We highlight 
the fragments on the territorial model and the one dedicated to the 
grouping of labor, as these are the two most relevant aspects when 
building societies.

When we examine the Spanish Revolution from this perspective, we can see 
that the period of transition to libertarian communism was 
collectivization. The CNT-FAI admitted that they did not have the 
strength throughout the entire republican territory. They accepted that 
they were in a war where they were risking everything against fascism. 
They concluded that they had to wait for the implementation of 
libertarian communism and that they would have to come to an 
understanding with their republican, socialist, and communist allies. 
The social revolution erupted from below, overwhelming the CNT-FAI 
itself. Therefore, since they had a revolutionary process in hand, the 
libertarian movement tried to protect it as much as possible and even 
expand it. They did this by participating in republican state 
institutions. Therefore, the "transitional society to socialism" 
consisted of collectives, economic socialization measures, confederal 
cooperatives, unions, militias, and the entire complex framework 
surrounding them. This transitional society took place during a 
large-scale war.

However, this example is still distant compared to today's society, 
since we live with a very solid state apparatus and no proletarian or 
popular revolutions in sight. In our current movement, we often say that 
the transition period is now. It is people's power. The constructive 
aspect of revolutionary anarchism is essential to paving the way for a 
new socialist society.

So, what could replace the capitalist state? Well, a combination of the 
current elements in which we operate: labor unions, housing unions, 
socially oriented cooperatives, communal land recovery initiatives, 
neighborhood assemblies, and many other collectives. This entire amalgam 
of projects is already functioning, and we wouldn't have to invent anything.

The role of revolutionary anarchism in this scenario would be twofold:

First, to instill revolutionary and strategic thinking in this social 
movement. It is necessary for the people who participate in these 
projects to fully believe in the importance of their organization or 
collective in the conquest of the new society. Without a strong social 
fabric and the ambition to grow to become hegemonic, it will be 
difficult to have transition periods or revolutions.
Second, to articulate the various social projects, each operating 
independently, to create a movement as homogeneous as possible. In the 
same sense, their mission is also to counter the efforts of reformist 
sectors that, in every struggle, will try to integrate them into the system.
Creating a Strong People does not mean creating a vanguard expert in 
street riots. It implies creating popular institutions that function 
outside the state. An example of this is the Popular Assembly of 
Manizales (Colombia). It was a popular institution that emerged from a 
strike that occupied the city's textile factory. It went so far as to 
issue decrees calling for a civic strike and extend the self-managed strike.

This is just one example of a social conflict (a strike) that escalates 
and aspires to territorial control, creating a broad social structure 
(the popular assembly). There are many examples of this in modern times: 
from the Argentine Cordobazo, the Chilean industrial belts and 
especially the Popular Assembly of Concepción, the Shoras in the Iranian 
revolution, the Zapatista autonomous municipalities in rebellion (and 
elsewhere as well), the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca, or 
the cantonal system of Rojava.

People's power, although it can develop in capitalist societies, will 
have a greater impact when states are in crisis. On the one hand, these 
states will be unable to ensure the material well-being of their 
populations, and on the other, the people will build their own social 
organizations. The possibility of the state collapsing is becoming 
realistic, and therefore these counter-power structures have the 
potential to take control of their territory.

Obviously, this will have to be done on a large scale, preventing the 
state from strengthening and rearming itself and destroying this entire 
new society. For this reason, revolutionary anarchism must have a global 
vision of the situation, without falling into localism, ensuring that 
the self-defense of liberated societies is capable of defeating states. 
This is the crux of the matter, the barrier against which most 
revolutions have crashed. In other words, in previous revolutions, the 
anarchist movement managed to establish its new model through new 
sociopolitical structures, but it was unable to defeat states because it 
lacked decisive military force, not because its social model suffered 
from fundamental organic flaws.

Right now, we're talking about environmental collapse. Although we don't 
expect any systemic crisis in the West, it won't be long before we see 
states focusing on wars, abandoning the so-called "welfare state." 
Certain neighborhoods and towns will be left to their fate, governed 
manu militari by police forces, and could potentially fall into the 
hands of unscrupulous mafias.

Without going any further, we have seen similar situations in the areas 
affected by the Valencian DANA. The far right went all out in the first 
two days to undermine Pedro Sánchez's government. Truckloads of aid 
appeared overnight. Fascist influencers roamed the muddy streets, and 
even squatters thugs appeared sporadically. But it was all a media 
bluff. The social fabric reacted and did not shy away from its 
solidarity, reversing a tense situation in just a few weeks.

Our task, as a revolutionary tendency of the popular movement, is to get 
involved in these types of events, supporting the processes of popular 
power that occur and initiating those necessary for our goal of building 
libertarian communism. We understand that popular power, if properly 
articulated, can give rise to a liberated society on a large scale.

By Miguel G. Gómez @blackspartak

1. Bakunin, Letter to Anselmo Lorenzo, May 10, 1872, p. 7, 
(http://www.fondationbesnard.org/IMG/pdf/Carta_de_Miguel...o.pdf).
2. Bakunin, Revolutionary Catechism, 1866 
(https://es.anarchistlibraries.net/library/mijail-bakunin-catecismo-revolucionario)
3. José, Grupo Libertario Vía Libre, Outline for a History of Anarchism 
in Colombia (1968-1991). Part One.
(https://grupovialibre.org/2011/01/17/esbozo-para-una-historia-del-anarquismo-en-colombia-1968-1991-primera-parte-por-jose-grupo-libertario-via-libre/)
4. Danny Monsálvez Araneda. The People's Assembly in Concepción. The 
expression of popular power 
(https://revistas.udec.cl/index.php/historia/article/view/6381)

https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/08/12/la-fase-de-transicion-en-el-anarquismo/
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