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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #21-25 - Repression decree. The ordinary extraordinary emergency (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 27 Aug 2025 09:28:03 +0300


The issuing of the so-called security decree and its approval present clear elements of forcing exercised by the Government that further consolidate the tendency towards the centralization of powers. ---- This is what can be deduced from the report presented by the Office of the Massimario and the Role of the Court of Cassation, a sort of research office with the task of carrying out the systematic analysis of the case law of legitimacy. ---- The report is very long and detailed; for this reflection it is sufficient to deal with chapter 3 of the preamble, which deals with general constitutional issues. The Office takes up in its writing what was stated by the Appeal for a democratic security, according to which we are faced with a "real wound caused to the legislative function of the Chambers", given that the legislative process of the security bill, pursuant to art. 72 of the Constitution, "was almost over, when the government took over the text and a task that, according to art. 77 of the Constitution, it can only carry out in extraordinary cases of necessity and urgency".

According to the professors of constitutional law heard by the joint Commissions I and II of the Chamber during the conversion process of the decree, we are facing "a real democratic regression, with a leap in quality in the attack on constitutional legality, as well as on fundamental rights". The Observatory of the Italian Association of Constitutionalists also noted that we are facing "government bullying"; the Italian Association of Professors of Criminal Law criticized, in addition to the content, the method, which has created "a precedent that could fuel a practice that devalues the role of Parliament". The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations expresses particular concern about the Italian Government's decision to transform the security bill into an emergency decree, bypassing parliamentary scrutiny and public debate; with regard to the merits, the same body highlights the risk of excessively targeting specific groups, such as ethnic minorities, migrants and refugees, configuring itself as a potential cause of discrimination and violations of human rights.

Subsequently, the Office of the Massimario examines other aspects of the security decree, an examination from which critical issues emerge from a constitutional point of view, such as the lack of the requirements of extraordinary necessity and urgency, the delayed presentation to the Chambers, the heterogeneity, the use of emergency decrees in criminal matters, in addition to the failure to comply with the constitutional principles in criminal matters.

Reading the text of the Court of Cassation, we can therefore conclude that this decree shares with other previous legislative interventions critical aspects from a constitutional point of view, linked to emergency decrees, with which the government appropriates the legislative power that should belong to Parliament, reduced to the role of ratifying decisions taken elsewhere. This practice is aggravated by the particular path of this decree, first presented to the Chambers, then, given the difficulty of approving it without amendments, "ripped off" by the Government and re-presented in the form of a decree law to prevent its discussion and amendment.

The parliamentary opposition immediately jumped on the bandwagon, denouncing the behavior of the government in office and the risk of accentuating the authoritarian drift. The parliamentary opposition, obviously, plays its game and tries to put the current Government in a bad light and to present itself as a champion of freedom.

In essence, however, it does not say what the authoritarian drift is made of and that we are not faced with an Italian anomaly, nor an anomaly of this government. To stay with the news of recent years, the appointment of the Draghi government and the subsequent confirmation of the outgoing president Sergio Mattarella, the main supporter of the government in office, to allow Mario Draghi himself to remain prime minister, once Draghi's hope of becoming president of the republic had faded, are a fitting example: a ballet that took place entirely in the rooms of the Quirinale and Palazzo Chigi, in which ordinary citizens were not involved, but in which the self-styled representatives of the people played the role of extras.

Precisely the growing crisis of capitalism, incapable of producing profit margins sufficient to sustain the credit system, a crisis that reached explosive levels in Italy before anywhere else, makes it necessary for governments to increasingly intervene in support of the economy, that is, of capital accumulation. In the same way that capitalist, industrial and financial groups are concentrated, the power of political choice must be concentrated in the hands of governments and international supra-governmental organizations (European Union, NATO, IMF, etc.), less exposed than governments to the "volatility" of electoral bodies.

The government in office has made the security decree a flagship measure. It is absolutely right: the procedure followed for its approval is part of the series of measures that have progressively deprived Parliament of its power, to the point of reducing its number and making it an assembly of clients of the party secretariats, strengthening the power of the executive and above all of the presidency of the republic which in the last legislatures, beyond the character temporarily on that seat, has intervened several times when Parliament was incapable of indicating a prime minister acceptable to the economic and financial powers. The Meloni government presents itself with this measure to its true voters, to those who have everything to lose from the growing social discontent.

While in Italy security issues are resolved with measures that resemble the ukazes of the tsars, in the United States the Trump administration resorts to executive orders, in France Emmanuel Macron uses the extraordinary powers of the president to impose a pension reform not wanted by the majority of the French working classes, while in Germany the government has a defunct parliament approve a mammoth rearmament plan. These are not aberrations: political domination throws off the mask. Governments, incapable of satisfying everyone, support the big capitalists in exchange for the support they receive; for the others, for those who are neither clients of the parties nor vassals of the captains of industry, there are security decrees to keep them in check. Israel teaches us.

Tiziano Antonelli

https://umanitanova.org/decreto-repressione-lordinaria-emergenza-straordinaria/
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