A-Infos (en) France, For a trans counter-offensive - 2nd UCL congress (Angers, November 3-5, 2023) (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

For several years, a large-scale reactionary offensive has targeted the 
trans population, particularly in the United States and the United 
Kingdom, where it has had catastrophic effects. In these countries, and 
also increasingly in France, it is a strategic priority for the far 
right, which uses it as a springboard for the control of bodies and the 
fascistization of society. . We must deal with it accordingly. ---- This 
motion reaffirms our support for trans struggles and outlines their 
ideological, demands and strategic contours.

It clarifies our analysis of transidentity (or transitude): on 
materialist, open bases, excluding reductionist models and ill-advised 
strategies. It establishes our points of agreement and disagreement with 
queer analyses, with the aim of allowing a common understanding and 
therefore unitary work.

Finally, it establishes the action of UCL on these subjects. First 
within our communities, where we must: train in trans struggles and push 
them internally to counter-powers ; encourage left-wing organizations, 
even reformist ones, to take a stand ; and act long-term and 
strategically within unitary frameworks. Then more broadly within 
society, where we must work together with specific organizations to 
inform, demand and support, including across borders.

A reactionary offensive with exterminating and fascist aims
In the United States, for several years we have been witnessing a 
large-scale offensive to roll back the rights of trans people as well as 
their public perception. Led by an organized group of Christian 
nationalist fundamentalists and supported by the Republican Party [1], 
this offensive has led to the adoption of increasingly reactionary and 
violent laws in many states for three years, forcing trans people and 
their families to flee - becoming refugees in their own country - or 
being deprived of access to essential care, procedures for changing 
their civil status, sport, or even simply public space [2].

The promoters of this offensive are no longer shy about revealing their 
true intentions. Trump thus announces that he wants to prevent any care 
and recognition for trans people if re-elected, while a call for  the 
"eradication of transgenderism  " receives an ovation at a conservative 
forum [3], a year after the recommendation of a Republican candidate to 
put trans people in front of a firing squad [4].

In a context of fascistization of the Republican party, this offensive 
has catastrophic consequences even beyond the main people targeted: it 
legitimizes and accustoms the population to the control of bodies, 
taking advantage of a subject on which they are little informed. It 
combines with attacks against the right to abortion or the LGBTI 
community as a whole. It is the same dynamic, organized by the same 
political groups, in favor of a fascist and theocratic regime.

This offensive is not restricted to the United States: the 
fundamentalists are working to create an international network to export 
their work there. Russia recently passed one of the most repressive laws 
ever observed, prohibiting any form of medical and administrative 
transition, and removing trans people's right to marry or have children.

Less radically but for a longer time, the United Kingdom has also been 
affected: tabloids, public figures (like JK Rowling), major media 
(including The Guardian or the BBC) and politicians do everything to 
stir up transphobic hatred in the country, so much so that reactionary 
and pseudo-feminist arguments serve as a framework for the social " 
debate " generated.  This campaign bears morbid fruit, for example with 
the murder of Brianna Ghey in February 2023.

On the legislative side, progress on rights is blocked, with the 
Conservative government going so far as to cancel a law from the 
Scottish Parliament (pushed by the independence party SNP), a first 
since its reestablishment in 1998.

Labor is divided, and its leader Keir Starmer has decided to supplant 
the Scottish branch of the Labor Party to minimize the rights of trans 
people, by repeating transphobic arguments. We are dealing here with a 
true arc of international far-right, each party and organization 
inspiring each other, and taking up and sharing the work carried out by 
each, in an increasingly organized manner.

In France too, a transphobic movement is being organized and expanding 
at high speed, bringing together the media, personalities, political 
parties and organizations, " techno-critic " activists , so-called 
feminist associations, more or less infiltrated groups of parents. , 
etc. Transphobic moral panics make the headlines [5], figures of 
transphobia and opponents of the ban on conversion therapies targeting 
trans people are received at the ministry [6]and praised by LREM 
deputies [7], and the arguments Transphobes are making headway, 
including in left-wing circles.

The situation has recently accelerated with parliamentary offensives led 
by the Republicans and the National Rally, and threatens to become as 
critical as in the aforementioned countries if we do not manage to deal 
with it.

Wherever this offensive gains momentum, it is accompanied by an 
explosion of violence [8], from online harassment [9]to terrorist 
attacks [10], which extends more widely to the population LGBTI. 
Violence that already usually affects trans people disproportionately, 
particularly women [11].

Trans struggles are an imperative today. It is up to the left, in the 
broad sense, to clarify its positions, actively support trans people, 
and push back the reactionary offensive everywhere in the world. 
Millions of lives are at stake. For this, a purely defensive position 
will not be enough: we must counter transphobia head-on, change society, 
win rights that are still sorely lacking. From a libertarian communist 
point of view, it is about rolling back patriarchy, unifying our class, 
preparing an inclusive future for trans people as well as for all 
minorities.

Our enemies are increasingly making transphobia an ideological and 
tactical priority. We must adapt accordingly. We need a real 
counter-offensive.

UCL's place in the trans movement
Reminder of our positions

We "  view transphobia[...]as[a]manifestation of patriarchy.[...]We 
fight these oppressions by recognizing the intersection and 
specificities of LGBTI struggles. » (UCL Manifesto) At the I UCL 
Congress, in Fougères, we detailed and refined our feminist positions 
[12]. On a theoretical level, we reaffirmed the inseparable nature of 
LGBTI struggles and antipatriarchy, and adopted an analytical grid 
integrating in particular materialist feminism, intersectional feminism 
and class struggle feminism.

We called for work to collectively take advantage of these tools. In 
response to this call and a need to clarify our positions within the 
trans movement, the present text offers a more detailed materialist 
analysis of trans struggles.

On a practical level, the Fougères congress called for joining, 
strengthening, supporting or even creating LGBTI organizations, to 
support the work and mutual aid systems of our comrades, to push the 
progress of LGBTI struggles within counter-powers and in particular 
unions, and to place emphasis on training within us.

This text is part of the continuity of the work carried out internally 
since 2021, in particular through our decisions in Federal Coordination 
and our validation of internal anti-patriarchy and LGBTI training.

A divided trans movement

The trans activist movement, like the LGBTI movement more broadly, is 
crossed by ideological and strategic differences. We distinguish in 
particular two major analytical grids, which are subdivided into a 
variety of positions: queer models, and materialist models.

Between these two main axes, the dialogue is very complicated. This is 
explained by differences in theoretical bases, vocabulary and 
strategies, sources of confusion and misunderstanding ; by harmful 
practices, such as exaggerations, caricatures, camp logic and 
solidification of interpersonal conflicts ; as well as by their history 
and their affiliations.

On this last point in particular, a major element of tension comes from 
the fact that part of transphobic feminism (called TERF, for "  radical 
feminists excluding trans people  " [13]) claims to be materialist. The 
same goes for a set of positions criticized within the trans movement, 
which can be grouped under the term transmedicalism.

It is therefore up to us to specify which materialism we claim exactly.

For a non-dogmatic materialist analysis

Materialism is for us a tool for analyzing reality, allowing us to 
perceive and analyze systems of exploitation and oppression within 
society. This implies that our analysis must evolve according to the 
facts and our understanding of them. We must be careful not to 
essentialize our models, that is to say, to apply them to reality when 
they no longer seem appropriate ; on the contrary, we must start from 
reality to develop them.

Taking trans experiences into account has led to a divide within 
materialist feminism. Part of the movement, now called TERF, attempted 
to justify, through a materialist analysis, transphobic positions and 
the exclusion of trans women from the feminist milieu. We affirm that 
this movement, which has largely pivoted on transphobia as the sole axis 
of struggle, has on the contrary essentialized its analysis rather than 
updating it, and has entered into contradiction with basic principles of 
materialism as well as of feminist struggle. .

In particular, this movement advocates a biological, and not social, 
origin for the oppression of women, and insists on the insurmountable 
nature of "  primary socialization  ", that is to say behaviors 
inculcated in young childhood.

On the contrary, the current analysis of the Libertarian Communist Union 
is to consider two sex classes, "  men  " and "  women  ", to which each 
individual is assigned by a social mechanism, imposed by society. This 
assignment is supposed to be fixed ; in reality it does not take place 
just once at birth but throughout life, in each social interaction, on 
the basis of gender markers (elements of the individual's appearance and 
behavior , civil status, etc.).

Sex classes allow the exploitation of the class of women by that of men, 
and patriarchal society imposes their binary and rigidity to do so.

Trans people are oppressed specifically by the patriarchy because they 
contravene these principles. The very process of class mobility - 
becoming gender class defectors - is an affront to the binary of the 
system, an affront repeated by people who refuse their assignment to one 
of the only two classes considered legitimate. Transphobia is the 
oppression punishing these slights.

Trans women in particular see their social position degrade from the 
first steps of transition, and are subject to transmisogyny, through the 
intersection of misogyny and transphobia. Trans men are subject to 
logics of infantilization, in order on the one hand to deny them or 
complicate their entry into the class of men, and on the other hand to 
serve as a standard for transphobic "  feminists  " by denying their 
autonomy to portray them as women who are victims in spite of 
themselves, once again using misogynistic clichés.

Trans struggles are therefore an integral part of anti-patriarchal 
struggles, and trans women are an integral part of feminist struggles.

We reject essentializing positions. We analyze that the place of each 
individual in the patriarchal system of oppression does not depend on 
their biology or their past socialization, but on their present social 
position. We respect and support trans people in their transition by 
considering them their desired gender, regardless of their conformity to 
patriarchal expectations. Our struggle aims to abolish this system and 
its sex classes, and we act consistently with this objective.

Part of the trans movement, also often claiming materialism, advocates 
that transidentity (or transitude) is a mental condition, for which 
medical transition is the remedy. This trend therefore generally 
advocates maintaining the psychiatrization of transition pathways. This 
position, called transmedicalism, is more strategic than ideological: 
the idea is to present transidentity in a way that would make it more 
acceptable to the patriarchal system, and thereby, in theory, to protect 
trans people.

If we are sensitive to the fears and individual strategies of trans 
people to obtain access to care, we reject transmedicalism as a 
political strategy. We judge in fact that it cannot protect us either 
from the reactionary backlash or from patriarchy as a whole, which it 
does not allow us to combat. In particular, it throws under the bus all 
trans people who cannot submit to the injunctions of the system: 
non-binary, homosexual, bisexual, neurodivergent people, etc. 
Depsychiatrization is for us a central demand of trans struggles.

Finally, we reject reductionist positions, which do not take into 
account psychological violence as material conditions. We note in 
particular that being in the closet is a very difficult situation, and 
that social transition processes (coming-outs, changes in appearance and 
behavior) also entail a real danger for trans people, in all forms. of 
violence that transphobic society unleashes in response. This results in 
stratospheric rates of depression and suicide [14].

For peaceful unitary work

The majority of the trans movement adopts analytical frameworks from 
queer theories. We have points of agreement but also political 
disagreements with them, which need to be clarified to allow common 
work. But a common source of tension also comes from a simple difference 
in priorities. Whatever happens, we affirm that what unites us, the 
conquest of rights and the end of patriarchy, will always be stronger 
and more important than what divides us.

Trans organizations place a large part of their energy on the urgent and 
vital needs of trans people, through mutual aid and support - 
particularly for access to care and administrative procedures - as well 
as moral support and the creation of spaces for sociability, which are 
sorely lacking for trans people, who are often victims of rejection and 
isolation. This is a titanic task, which it is up to us to salute and 
support.

This entirely logical priority, focused on the immediate needs of the 
trans community, can justify an emphasis on individualities. Someone who 
has been rejected and denied their humanity needs to hear that they are 
legitimate. We share the desire to create a society in which every 
individual can flourish without fear.

As a political organization, the Libertarian Communist Union is not 
intended to replace mutual aid spaces, which it must support from the 
outside. Our goal is to push society to evolve towards the acceptance 
and integration of trans people, until the elimination of the 
patriarchal system of oppression, combined with feminist and LGBI 
struggles. In this field of action, we consider that individualizing 
logics are detrimental: we need to create a collective, on the basis of 
shared experiences.

We therefore wish to bring together everything it means to transition 
(or want to transition) in our patriarchal society, thus laying the 
basis for our common criticisms, fears and demands. This involves 
bringing to life broad and democratic counter-powers. We therefore do 
not place emphasis on individual figures or affinity groups, even if we 
salute their work and can collaborate with them.

This position is not antithetical to the recognition of the diversity of 
transition pathways. Political progress will benefit everyone, 
regardless of the steps actually taken by each individual. It is not our 
role to judge the "  legitimacy  " of this or that identity. Our 
analysis is based on the material conditions of existence: we fight for 
all people whose material conditions are affected by transphobia, as by 
other systems of oppression.

For us, this means an approach that is open to the outside world, 
confronts society, and is neither too intellectualized and abstract nor 
devoid of theoretical analysis.

Another common source of tension between queer and materialist 
strategies is the use of vocabulary. Queer strategies, which include the 
redefinition of gender-related terms with an aim of emancipation and 
gender "  destabilization  ", propose that the terms of identity and 
sexual orientation are appropriate at the individual level: that each 
person chooses the labels who correspond to him in order to understand 
or find himself.

At UCL, our approach takes a different starting position and therefore 
results in a use of vocabulary adapted to our analysis grid. Without 
calling into question the principle of self-determination, we start from 
the transition as a social fact, then we study the logic of oppression 
that this generates. Our vocabulary therefore designates people 
structurally affected by these oppressions, for example through a path 
or a desire for a transition path (including medical and administrative 
but also social aspects).

These differences in the use of vocabulary, linked to different analyzes 
and strategies, do not constitute, in our opinion, a relevant source of 
opposition in themselves: we must therefore clarify our terms when 
necessary without dwelling on dictionary wars.

Furthermore, we express our reservations regarding certain radical 
speeches, which we fear will be inaudible to today's society. Without 
ever denying our revolutionary ambitions, we prefer to use strategy and 
lead a long-term battle, gaining legitimacy with our class and advancing 
society at the pace that seems achievable to us.

We have highlighted here our approach and our disagreements in order to 
clarify our position, not to draw a line with other political 
orientations, but on the contrary to allow common work with them in full 
knowledge of the facts. We must avoid transforming these disagreements 
into conflicts: through exchange, through the search for consensus, 
through diversity of actions. More than ever, we need to be united . 
Apart from the differences in practices and strategies, our objective is 
the same. The principle of unitary work is one of the imperatives of our 
organization and must always guide our action.

Identify our enemies and oppose the demands of the trans community
Here we provide a quick overview of French transphobic movements and 
their arguments. We must learn to refute them, and to contrast them with 
the real situation of the trans population. We endorse most of the 
demands of trans activists, which we detail in a non-exhaustive manner 
in the second sub-part. An opposition from all political currents

The actors propagating transphobia in France (as elsewhere) belong to 
all political currents.

There are of course right-wing and far-right parties. Thus Zemmour 
creates groups of "  vigilant parents  " who launch pressure campaigns 
against educational establishments [15] , in line with the strategy of 
the American extreme right. The Republicans also adopted this strategy 
against "  wokism  ", and in this context launched a very direct and 
violent media [16]and parliamentary [17]offensive , against an alleged 
transgender ideology which would threaten children.

On the side of the National Rally, Marine Le Pen's line, which was 
strategically silent or instrumentalist on the rights of women and 
homosexuals [18]- while concealing their real reactionary positions - 
also leaves room for a line integrating more frankly the cultural war 
pushed across the Atlantic.  Their group in the National Assembly is 
also launching a legislative offensive, targeting trans 
people's[19]access to sport.

This is a more refined and progressive strategy than that of LR, but 
with the same aim of total oppression of trans people. In addition to 
the parties, reactionary groups are being formed specifically on the 
subject, the most important of them being the Little Mermaid 
Observatory, close to the circles of La Manif Pour Tous and the 
Republicans, which has its influence in the Ministry of Defense. 
national education and who tried to bring his arguments within the 
DILCRAH itself [20].

The arguments of this political camp repeat the usual clichés: " 
protection  " of children or even of civilization, affront to the 
natural or biblical order, and the endless conspiratorial and 
anti-Semitic speeches. As developed in Part I, the fight against 
transphobia is today an anti-fascist imperative.

But in this fight against trans rights, the far right has support.  " 
Universalist " liberal feminism  , while claiming to respect trans 
people, opposes their rights to those of women [21]. Indignant at the 
vocabulary including trans men in questions of reproductive health, and 
denouncing the so-called advantage of trans women in sport, it is once 
again the register of the threat hovering over society which is invoked.

Less subtly, the issue of non-female spaces (notably public toilets) is 
invoked to depict trans women as aggressors, repeating the classic 
cliché of LGBTI people as sexual perverts. On this point and so many 
others, this liberal feminism is joined by the transphobic fringe of 
radical feminism, increasingly porous with it, and which insists, as 
said previously, on the primacy of biology or "  primary socialization " 
as source of patriarchal oppression.

Mirroring aggressive trans women, TERFs consider trans men as lesbian 
victims of "  transactivists  ", regardless of their real sexual 
orientation and on a logic of misogynistic infantilization.

Environmentalists are not spared. In addition to naturopathic gurus 
[22], we find transphobic tendencies among techno-critical and 
primitivist movements, such as Parts and Workforce (PMO) [23]and Deep 
Green Resistance (DGR) [24], often more close to ecofascism as to the 
ecology of struggle. These groups portray gender transitions as 
unnatural and stemming from a transhumanist ideology.

All these components link and support each other, beyond declared 
political affiliations: transphobia becomes the common denominator 
bringing together currents which should nevertheless be opposed. Thus 
figures known on social networks for their frenetic transphobic activism 
declare themselves feminists but respond to invitations from pro-Putin 
far-right media [25].

PMO cites members of the Little Mermaid Observatory (OPS), while 
libertarian broadcasts give pride of place to transphobic liberal 
feminism [26]. A former DGR activist conveys transphobic arguments on 
her blog and is invited to pseudo-feminist podcasts equally obsessed 
with the issue, and acting as a relay for Ypomoni, a collective close to 
the OPS promoting conversion therapy and putting pressure in the media 
and on doctors [27].

This mixture of genres demonstrates the real common basis behind 
transphobia: a reactionary and confusing ideology.

Many rights to conquer

Faced with transphobic disinformation, we are acting for better 
information about transidentity within society, including better 
identification and condemnation of transphobia and the violence it 
causes. We fight against discrimination and precariousness of the trans 
population.

We campaign for access to care for trans people. This involves stopping 
discrimination and medical violence, but also better training for 
doctors in the care of trans people and the prescription and monitoring 
of their treatments. We are for the real and effective 
depsychiatrization of transition pathways, whether within medical 
practices or for their reimbursement.

We call for a real public health policy, putting an end to the practices 
of the multidisciplinary teams of the former SoFECT (extremely 
psychiatrized, rigid and patriarchal), correctly responding to the needs 
of minors as well as adults, and allowing the provision of treatments 
adapted. Finally, we demand reinforced social security, controlled by 
our class, aware of the needs of the trans population, and covering all 
health costs without requiring mutual insurance or recognition of 
long-term illness (ALD). We fight the capitalist logics at work in the 
health system, which create medicine at several speeds depending on the 
means of patients .

We are calling for the simplification of procedures for changing civil 
status, so that they are based on a single sworn certificate. We are for 
the removal of the sex marker, an archaic symbol of state control over 
bodies and families, which exposes people to discrimination. At a 
minimum, we request the diversion of the procedure for modifying this 
marker. In order to protect trans people from registration and 
discrimination, changes to marital status should be entirely retroactive.

We are for trans people's access to medically assisted procreation 
(MAP), regardless of their marital status, sexual orientation or 
relationship status. We demand automatic recognition of family ties.

We call for trans people to be guaranteed access to spaces dedicated to 
their gender. This includes sports clubs and competitions, toilets, 
shelters against violence, etc. We recall that the constraints placed on 
women's bodies, including, supposedly, in the name of their own 
security, cause danger and discrimination not only for trans women but 
also for cis women, in particular LBTI[28 ]and racialized women . [29].

Strategy for a trans counter-offensive
Advancing the lines in our communities

It is essential that the left, in the broad sense, and the 
counter-powers take a clear position in favor of trans struggles. As we 
see internationally, a divided, hesitant or poorly trained left offers 
an avenue for the worst speeches, up to and including the persecution of 
the trans population.

This requires first of all a better understanding of trans realities 
within counter-powers. The members of the Libertarian Communist Union 
must be leaders in training and information initiatives within the 
counter-powers in which they invest. They will be helped in this by 
internal training and by the material designed by the anti-patriarchy 
commission.

The advancement of these causes in the unions is of particular 
importance. In the same way as for feminist, anti-racist or 
anti-validist struggles, unions must be able to support trans people, 
victims of strong discrimination in employment and in the workplace, and 
thereby establish themselves as a relevant tool to invest in for them. 
As places where proletarians organize, they have the potential to unite 
our class through the convergence of struggles, therefore including 
trans struggles ; a potential that we must seek to realize.

Beyond our counter-powers, we must work to advance trans struggles 
throughout the left, and to reduce transphobia there. This includes 
reformist parties with a large audience among the population, whose role 
we should not underestimate. It is appropriate to invite them to our 
initiatives on this subject and to open a dialogue with them at the 
local and federal levels, on the same logic and for the same reasons as 
concerning anti-fascism.

In inter-orga frameworks, particularly feminist ones, we make the 
minority of transphobic positions one of our priorities. To do this, we 
must equip ourselves with a long-term strategy, which involves neither 
ineffective posturing nor helpless passivity.

UCL is attentive to situations where the issue of trans struggles seems 
to cause discomfort, or are put aside because they are judged apart from 
the feminist movement. We must dialogue with, convince and support 
organizations that are cautious on these issues due to lack of training 
or fear of conflict. We must gain legitimacy and support within these 
frameworks if we wish to push our vision of a clear and unified 
anti-patriarchy.

When this is achieved, we must be proactive so that trans issues are 
taken into account and oppositions are explicitly put in the minority. 
Transphobic organizations must be driven out of our spaces.

When we are not present in a broad feminist unitary framework with a 
large audience, we try to join it as long as the essentials of its 
public positions are aligned with ours, including if organizations 
reluctant to trans struggles there are represented. The idea is that it 
will be more effective, on our scale, to lead an internal struggle 
alongside organizations supporting trans causes rather than boycotting them.

Likewise, the choice of whether or not to sign press releases coming 
from executives where one is at that moment absent must take into 
account the possible perspectives of getting involved and moving the 
lines in the direction of the struggles. trans. In the event of signing 
texts that do not take trans perspectives into account even though this 
would be relevant, we add an insert on the subject in our own communication.

On the other hand, when a unitary framework seems controlled or blocked 
by transphobic organizations, we encourage the creation of a competing 
framework. This decision must be based above all on a criterion of 
effectiveness. It cannot be done without allies and involves working in 
the long term to build the legitimacy of this new framework.

Support trans struggles, daily and in the long term

The Libertarian Communist Union supports trans associations, 
organizations and counter-powers. We offer our assistance to their 
initiatives, within the framework of our political positions. We 
participate when desired in the training of their activists and their 
collective defense. We work with them on press releases and events, 
connect them with our networks and counter-powers, invite them to our 
open spaces. We associate trans organizations with common frameworks in 
the fight against fascism and the far right.

We use our communication tools to train and inform society as widely as 
possible. We develop the perspectives of trans struggles in our 
productions whenever it is relevant. Every year we invest in the 
ExisTransInter march: for example by producing political material, by 
holding public meetings as much as possible in conjunction with trans 
organizations, by logistical and/or financial support.

We encourage the spread of this event in our localities. We support the 
trans population beyond our borders, particularly in the countries where 
they are most in a position of danger and precariousness, and in those 
where they are directly attacked by reactionary offensives. We provide 
this support through our internationalist networks, which we must 
develop through this axis, and also in a direct manner when relevant: 
support for refugees , actions in front of embassies, etc.

Without taking the place of specific organizations and in the spirit of 
self-determination of struggles, we encourage the creation of 
counter-powers and unitary frameworks around trans struggles and defense 
against transphobic movements.

In short, the Libertarian Communist Union puts its strengths at the 
service of trans struggles, in conjunction with its other struggles. She 
denounces transphobic arguments made in the public sphere, including 
when their promoters claim to be from the left or feminism. It is 
attentive to reactionary attacks: when the enemies of our social camp 
make transphobia their strategic priority, we redouble our means to 
counter them in this field, in the same way as for other political axes. 
We fully join the effort for a real trans counter-offensive.

To validate

[1] Erin Reed, "  2600 Leaked Anti-trans Lobbyist Emails Show 
Fundamentalism, Not Evidence, Is How First Anti-Trans Bills Were Drafted 
,  " March 10, 2023.

[2] "  2023 Anti-Trans Bills: Trans Legislation Tracker  " , accessed 
March 25, 2023.

[3] Peter Wade and Patrick Reis, "  CPAC Speaker Calls for Eradication 
of "Transgenderism" - and Somehow Claims He's Not Calling for 
Elimination of Transgender People  " , Rolling Stone, March 6, 2023.

[4] Paul Blest, "  Mississippi Republican Says Trans Rights Supporters 
Should Face a Firing Squad  , " Vice, March 29, 2022.

[5] "  Family Planning criticized for a poster with a pregnant 
transgender man, Minister Isabelle Rome supports the association  " , Le 
Monde, August 22, 2022.

[6] Matthias Lecourbe, "  TERF activists received by Schiappa: let's 
strengthen the fight against transphobia  " , Révolution Permanente, 
December 6, 2021.

[7] Pauline Machado, "  "We must react": when Renaissance deputies 
validate transphobia  " , Terrafemina, August 31, 2022.

[8] Paolo Zialcita, "  Colorado Politicians Have Promoted Anti-LGBTQ 
Rhetoric and Policies - from Local School Boards to Congress - That 
Escalate Violence, Experts and Advocates Say ,  " Colorado Public Radio, 
November 22, 2022.

[9] Ali Breland, "  The Website That Wants You to Kill Yourself-and 
Won't Die  , " Mother Jones, March 2023.

[10] "  Shooting in a gay club in the United States, 5 dead  " , Têtu, 
November 20, 2022.

[11] Sophie Boutboul, Anne-Laure Pineau, and Rouguyata Sall, " Political 
feminicides: the relentlessness to kill trans women  " , Mediapart, 
March 31, 2023.

[12] Libertarian Communist Union, "  Motion from the antipatriarchy 
commission  " (Ist UCL Congress, Fougères, August 29, 2021).

[13] Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists

[14] Penelope Strauss et al., "  Trans Pathways: The Mental Health 
Experiences and Care Pathways of Trans Young People  " (Telethon Kids 
Institute, Perth, Australia, 2017).

[15] Robin Korda and Ariane Riou, "  "Vigilant parents": how Éric 
Zemmour wants to set the school alight  " , Le Parisien, December 15, 2022.

[16] Mika Alison, "  Why are French conservatives so interested in trans 
children ? » , XY Media, December 14, 2021.

[17] Jacqueline Eustache-Brinio, "  Proposed law prohibiting practices 
aimed at modifying the sexual orientation and gender identity of a 
person, first reading in the Senate, amendment no. 3 tabled on text no. 
239 of the law commission  " , Pub. L. No. 2022-92 (2021).

[18] Clément Parrot, "  Has the National Front really become "gay 
friendly"  ? » , FranceTVinfo, March 12, 2017.

[19] Nina Jackowski, "  The National Rally will launch an association to 
fight against wokism  " , Journal du Dimanche, March 24, 2023.

[20] Rozenn Le Carboulec, "  Trans minors: small conservative groups go 
on the offensive  " , Mediapart, May 17, 2022.

[21] Watchdogs and Zéromacho, "  The Manifesto of the Feminist Front  " 
, March 8, 2022.

[22] Pauline Bock, "  Family planning: anti-trans, "progressive 
cautions" of the reactions  " , Arrêt sur images, September 5, 2022.

[23] Collectif Stop Masculinisme, "  The masculinist coming-out of 
Pieces and Main d'oeuvre  " , Indymedia Grenoble, January 31, 2015.

[24] Savannah, "  I'm Not A Gender Zombie and Neither Are You: Rejecting 
Anti-Trans Bigotry From Rachel Ivey and Deep Green Resistance  " , 
Autostraddle, May 20, 2013.

[25] Pauline Bock, "  False journalist: the "trap" of the film Omerta on 
trans people  " , Arrêt sur images, November 16, 2022.

[26] "  Jamila and Caroline Granier, Remue Méninges Féministe  " , Remue 
Méninges Féministe (Radio Libertaire 89.4, November 15, 2022).

[27] Collective for action and research on transphobia and the far right 
(C · A · R · T · E), "  Transphobia: from confusion to fascist risk  " , 
February 2023.

[28] Jasmine Andersson, "  Butch Lesbian Opens up about "increasing 
Harassment" She Faces When Using the Public Toilets  " , INews, January 
19, 2021.

[29] Daniel Villarreal, "  Two more cis Black women banned from Olympics 
for their natural testosterone levels  " , LGBTQ Nation, July 2, 2021.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Pour-une-contre-offensive-trans
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en