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(en) Argentina, FORA, Organizacion-Obrera #101: LABOR LEGISLATION, THE REFORMS OF THE OMNIBUS LAW PROJECT ON LABOR AND PENSION MATTERS - LEONARDO ELGORRIAGA (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Sun, 4 Feb 2024 09:17:44 +0200


The bill prepared by the new national government called "Law of Bases and Starting Points for the Freedom of Argentines", also known as "Omnibus Law", contains a broad and extensive delegation of legislative powers of exclusive jurisdiction of the National Congress. in favor of the National Executive Branch, granting it the sum of the power of the State to implement an entire policy of fierce adjustment on the most vulnerable sectors of society and give free rein to the concentrated sectors of economic power to impose their conditions at the expense of the most needy. In short, what the bill calls "foundations and starting point for the freedom of Argentines" is nothing other than the freedom of the powerful to take even more advantage of society as a whole and make the poor pay. workers the consequences of a crisis that they did not generate.

The reforms that the Omnibus Law project introduces in labor and pension matters are analyzed below:

LABOR "WHITENING":

As a measure to try to reduce the rates of unregistered employment, the project establishes a regime generally known as "laundering", which consists of setting a period of 90 calendar days from the entry into force of the law, so that employers regularize unregistered or incorrectly registered workers.

Employers who carry out such regularization within the established period may be exempt from criminal action for tax crimes and from paying fines and infractions, as well as having their debts for contributions and contributions owed reduced, among other measures.

It establishes that workers thus regularized will have contributions computed for up to a maximum of 5 years. If the regularized worker had worked without registering for more than that time, contributions will not be computed for all that excess time in order to comply with the years of service required to obtain the retirement benefit and for the benefit. due to unemployment.

In addition, contributions will be computed, not on the salary actually earned, but on a remuneration equivalent to the minimum vital and mobile salary. The months thus regularized will not be computed for the purposes of calculating retirement assets. This may affect those workers who are close to retiring because, if in the regularized months the salaries actually earned were high, since they are not taken into consideration for the calculation of retirement assets, this could eventually have a negative impact on retirement assets. that they are going to perceive.

The implementation of "laundering" systems such as the one provided for in this project was implemented on other occasions in our country, such as the cases of law 24,013 (1991) and law 26,940 (2014), and did not give significant results to the purposes of reducing the rates of unregistered work.

The failure of this type of measures is due to the fact that the employers' decision to regularize the workers does not depend on the debts for contributions and the sanctions that may arise for the time in which the workers worked. without labor registration. The usual practice of employers when regularizing a worker is to record the registration date as a false entry date and not the real date of entry into the company. In this way, employers avoid having to pay debts for contributions and any possible sanctions they may have, for the periods in which the worker worked without labor registration.

This is a measure clearly intended to appear that an attempt is made to do something with unregistered work, especially after DNU No. 70/2023 repealed all compensation for unregistered work in favor of affected workers. The truth is that, with the devaluation measures and the shrinking of the economy through the reduction of consumption, the SME sectors where the highest rates of unregistered work are recorded will continue to adjust on the side of the workers and labor informality will continue and even will grow.

CRIMINALIZATION OF THE STRIKE AND PROTEST:

The bill, within the chapter dedicated to "Internal Security", contains regulations on public demonstrations, introducing severe reforms and new criminal types into the Penal Code with the clear purpose of criminalizing strikes and social protests, the content of which It refers to the darkest periods of our history. The shrinking of the State apparatus encouraged by the new self-proclaimed "libertarian" government is limited to making it possible for the concentrated sectors of economic power to impose their conditions and ensure their business profitability. On the other hand, with regard to the freedoms of workers, the presence of the State is even greater to facilitate repression against workers' and popular resistance to adjustment.

Penal modifications:

The project considerably increases the penalties provided for in criminal types generally used to criminalize strikes and social protests, and creates new open criminal types to further extend the criminalizing action against all people related to acts of protest or popular demonstration.

The penalty provided for in art is aggravated. 194 of the Penal Code for crimes against the operation of transport, going from 3 months to 2 years as it is currently, to the penalty of 1 year to 3 years and 6 months in prison. The objective of this considerable aggravation of the sentence is to ensure that those convicted can have an effective sentence, thus discouraging the exercise of the rights to social protest.

There is also a penalty of 2 to 5 years in prison for those who direct, organize or coordinate a meeting or demonstration that prevents, hinders or hinders circulation.

The project considers as organizer or coordinator of a meeting or demonstration any human person, legal entity, recognized or not, or group of them that: A. calls on other people to participate in the meeting; B. coordinate people to carry out the meeting; C. provides any type of material or logistical means to hold the meeting; D. Call roll, record presences or absences by any written or image recording means.

It is an open criminal type aimed at being able to criminalize any person related to a social protest, as well as their union, political and social organizations, trying to transform acts of defense of the rights and needs of the most needy. in alleged crimes.

Finally, punishment with prison or confinement of 3 to 6 years to those who through intimidation, simulating public authority or false order from the authority, under promise of remuneration or under threat of withdrawal or assignment of a benefit, plan, subsidy of any kind, force another to attend, remain or move away from a mobilization or protest.

This last type of crime follows a stereotyped and stigmatizing vision, which considers that all those who attend a demonstration or social protest do so under the promise of obtaining benefits or under the threat of losing them. On the contrary, with the recent announcements of the new government under the formula "He who cuts does not get paid", we can effectively see the use of threats so that those who want to attend a march or protest do not do so for fear of losing social benefits, carrying out the government itself what is described in the new criminal type.

The depth and breadth of the new criminal types that this reform seeks to introduce not only aim to criminalize and prevent the effective exercise of the rights to strike and social protest, but also reach union, political and social activity as a whole.

Regulation of meetings and demonstrations:

The project regulates the right of assembly and demonstration, making the Ministry of Security the enforcement authority on the matter. The inclusion of this regulation within the chapter dedicated to "Internal Security" and the fact that the enforcement authority is the Ministry of Security, denotes the stigmatizing and criminalizing position of the project with respect to those who demonstrate and demand their rights.

It defines "gathering" or "demonstration" as the intentional and temporary congregation of three or more people in a public space for the purpose of exercising the rights referred to herein. That is to say, once three people gather in a public space, it is considered a meeting or demonstration and the regulations apply to them. The small number of people to whom the regulations would be applicable shows that its purpose is not to make protest compatible with other rights, such as the right to be able to circulate on public roads, given that such a small number of people would in no case It may imply an impediment to circulation, and it is not necessary to apply any regulation in those cases. The true purpose is to provide the repressive apparatus of the State with regulations designed to prevent the exercise of the most basic freedoms of any person, implementing a regulation of public space similar to that of military dictatorships and a virtual state of siege regarding to demonstrations and rallies. It is paradoxical that these provisions are contained in a bill called: "Bases and Starting Points for the Freedom of Argentines", which shows that it refers to the freedom of a few.

The regulations establish that any meeting or demonstration must be reliably notified to the Ministry of National Security, no less than 48 hours in advance. In said notification, they must detail the characteristics of the demonstration, the data of the human or legal person who organizes it, detailing the names and personal data of its organizers, delegates or authorities, regardless of whether or not they participate in the meeting or demonstration; the object and purpose, the location and route, duration and estimated number of attendees.

If we take into consideration that this regulation covers meetings made up of three people, this obligation to notify the Ministry of Security in advance of its implementation involves the exercise of overwhelming, unnecessary and limiting control of the most basic freedoms of people, by a true Police State that places security and strict control of the population as its primary objectives.

It even establishes that spontaneous manifestations must be notified as far in advance as possible, which is an absurdity that escapes the slightest sense of rationality and an impossible obligation because they are precisely "spontaneous" manifestations. This is a requirement that seeks to find an excuse to criminalize these demonstrations.

It provides that the Ministry of Security may oppose the holding of the meeting or demonstration for security reasons, and may also propose another date, time or place for its holding.

Finally, it establishes that in meetings or demonstrations that do not comply with the regulations, the Ministry of Security will inform the organizers to comply with them, under penalty of fines and sanctions. It also makes the organizers of the meetings or demonstrations jointly and severally liable for any damage that the protesters cause to third parties or property in the public or private domain, as a result of the meeting or demonstration.

It is a regulation clearly intended to criminalize strikes and social protests, imposing abusive, arbitrary and impossible to comply restrictions, with the clear purpose of preventing the exercise of these rights.

PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT REFORMS:

National Public Employment Regime:

Modifications are introduced to the legal regime of National Public Employment provided for in Law 25,164 (LEP). Many of these reforms aim to regulate the consequences on those permanent workers who will be affected by layoffs and by the modification of the structure of the National State, as a consequence of the elimination or suppression of organizations within the National Public Administration. .

Within this framework, it can be seen that the modifications to the legal regime of national public employment are aimed at trying to regulate the transfer of those affected state workers to the field of private employment or to what the project calls "self-employment", but without It can be seen that this goal can be truly achieved and that the new private jobs that they may obtain maintain the same level of salary income that they had.

The project establishes the automatic transfer to availability for a maximum period of 12 months of all permanent workers whose positions have been eliminated due to restructuring measures, thus eliminating the procedure of relocation to vacant positions and job reconversion as is currently contemplated.

In line with this modification, the project creates a "Labor Reconversion Fund" through a trust financed in the national budget, whose objective is to pay the salaries of workers who have become available, as well as that of pay these workers compensation in the event that they have not formalized a new employment relationship once the availability period has ended. In order to receive such remuneration, workers must accept the training provided by the State in self-employment programs and solidarity-based associative forms, and/or also carry out tasks in outsourced State services.

The aforementioned training in what the project calls "self-employment" programs or "solidarity associative forms" is nothing other than training so that the worker can face with their own resources the situation of unemployment in which They will soon meet, without there being concrete guarantees that they will be able to maintain the income levels they had before the dismissal or even be able to survive after the separation. Likewise, the obligation to have to provide tasks in outsourced services of the State, in itself implies a new paradigm, moving from the legal protection of the worker against labor outsourcing to the legal obligation of having to accept this form of job insecurity. .

The project eliminates the paragraph that establishes that agents who are on leave due to illness or accident, pregnancy or marriage, until the period of their leave has expired, cannot be placed on availability. Therefore, this elimination would indicate that these workers could be made available.

On the other hand, although the project maintains the clause that establishes that staff delegates with a current mandate or within the one-year guardianship period cannot be made available, the clause that establishes that in the case of deletion of the organization, they must be affected to another, within the same jurisdiction and area of action. This elimination creates a legal vacuum regarding the situation of these union delegates, which can allow the employer State to carry out abuses and take anti-union measures.

The project establishes that, during the availability period, the affected workers have the following options: 1) accept to fill a vacancy in the National Public Administration, if there is one and they meet the requirements for it; 2) be hired if required by private employers within the benefits established for these purposes; or 3) formalize another employment relationship through their own means.

Regarding the possibility of being hired by private employers within the benefits that are established, the project announces the creation of a promotion regime "for the private labor reintegration of public agents", but the only specific reference to that regime It is the possibility that the enforcement authority in matters of national public employment can exempt from social charges for a limited period of time those private employers who hire state workers in a situation of availability. That is to say, the project announces the creation of a regime whose content is not regulated and which would consist of a possible exemption from social charges at the decision of the implementing authority.

If the 12-month availability period expires without a new employment relationship having been formalized, the affected workers will be automatically separated from the national public sector, having the right to receive compensation that will be financed by the Labor Reconversion Fund. , equal to one month's salary for each year of service or fraction greater than three months.

From the terms of the project it can be interpreted that those available workers who formalize a new employment relationship in the private sector within that period would be deprived of the compensation provided therein, despite having ended their employment relationship with the National State. and without there having been a just cause for dismissal.

The project reaches the height of abuse by empowering the National Executive Branch to establish guidelines for the proportional return of the aforementioned compensation, in those cases in which workers re-enter the national public sector before five years of their effective separation. . It is not necessary to elaborate on the obvious fact that a future re-entry into the public sector does not involve reparation for the damages caused by the arbitrary dismissal, which does not explain the duty of the worker to have to return the compensation that they received. were paid for having been fired without just cause.

On the other hand, the project eliminates the need for the express consent of the worker so that they can be geographically mobilized to other dependencies. This modification would allow their compulsive transfers.

Likewise, the days of unjustified absence and the number of insufficient qualifications to be able to lay off workers are reduced. It goes from 10 discontinuous unjustified absences in the year to 5, and from 5 continuous unjustified absences to 3. As for the insufficient grades to be able to be dismissed, it goes from 3 continuous grades to 2, and from 4 alternating grades in the last 10 services to 3.

The project doubles the statute of limitations for applying sanctions. To apply a warning or suspension, the statute of limitations increases to 1 year from the commission of the offense, when it is currently 6 months. For unemployment, the limitation period is increased to 2 years, when it is currently 1 year. Regarding the exoneration, it increases the limitation period to 4 years, when it is currently 2 years.

The project eliminates the possibility that collective bargaining agreements must provide for participation and control mechanisms of union associations in the selection processes to fill vacant positions.

A new article is incorporated that prohibits male and female workers from: "Devoting their public service working hours to doing any type of tasks linked to electoral and/or party campaigns . " The breadth of this subsection can also be understood to include union elections, such as the election of delegates, which is why it can be limiting to union activity in the workplace.

It can be seen that the main modifications that are intended to be introduced to the legal regime of national public employment are focused on regulating the consequences for those permanent workers who are dismissed as a consequence of the restructuring measures and/or elimination of organizations within of the National Public Administration, with the obvious purpose of facilitating this process and reducing the levels of protection of these workers, pretending to introduce reforms aimed at enabling insertion into private employment, but whose guarantees that this happens are not found in any way. insured form.

Reforms are also introduced to facilitate the application of layoffs and other sanctions, as well as to reduce union participation in vacancy selection processes and limit union activity in the workplace.

Regime of collective labor agreements in the national public sector:

The bill introduces modifications to Law 24,185 that regulates the collective bargaining regime in the National Public Administration, with a clear profile aimed at defunding union organizations in the sector and discouraging the exercise of the right to strike.

Firstly, the project establishes that the solidarity quotas agreed upon in the collective labor agreements in favor of the union associations participating in the negotiation will be valid only for the workers affiliated with these union associations. In the case of non-affiliated workers, the project establishes that in these cases their express authorization will be required for the discounts to be made.

Currently, the clauses that establish solidarity quotas are valid for both members and non-members, as long as they are within the scope of application of the collective bargaining agreement and thus enjoy the benefits provided therein. The justification for this is that non-members also benefit from the collective bargaining agreement, so it would be fair for them to contribute financially to the union association that negotiated it.

The project introduces a new article that establishes: "The deduction of the proportional salary will be mandatory for the days in which the employee has decided to make use of his right to strike . " The striking thing about this new provision is that it imposes on the employers the "obligation" to deduct the salaries corresponding to the days of strike. This obligation would make it impossible for the parties in the framework of a collective dispute to agree on the recognition of the payment of salaries during strike days. Once again, the objective is to discourage workers from making use of their right to resort to strike.

PENSION REFORMS:

The project contains a new adjustment for retirees with the objective of reducing the fiscal deficit at the expense of the latter, transferring resources intended for the payment of retirements and pensions to the national treasury to attend to the State's debts with external creditors.

Firstly, the project suspends the retirement mobility regime currently in force, a practice that has been done for years every time a new government takes office. In this way, each government that takes office suspends and/or modifies the existing mobility formula in a way that is more detrimental to retirees.

The project empowers the Executive Branch to establish by decree a new mobility formula that has criteria of "equity and economic sustainability." The fact that the mobility formula must follow criteria of economic sustainability shows that the objective is not to ensure retirements and pensions that at least cover all the essential needs of a retiree, but rather to pay retirements and pensions that adjust to the income levels of the State collection, making them pay the consequences of an economic crisis for which they have no responsibility.

While the Executive Branch has not defined the new mobility formula, the project authorizes it to establish by decree periodic increases that must primarily serve the lowest-income beneficiaries. In this way, the government is allowed to give increases when and for the amount it wants, without having to follow any specific guidelines, which means a free way to continue applying the adjustment to retirees.

On the other hand, the project establishes the total transfer of the assets of the Sustainability Guarantee Fund to the National Treasury, assets that may be used to meet the debts of the National State with its creditors. The Sustainability Guarantee Fund was created as a financing guarantee for the retirement and pension regime, in the event that it suffers from a situation of lack of resources for the payment of retirements and pensions. The project is literally destroying this fund to use it to pay the State's debts with resources that belong to retirees.

These pension reforms are intended to achieve the fiscal balance imposed by IMF policies, further reducing the benefits of retirees, as well as using the funds belonging to the latter.

CONCLUSIONS:

The bill known as the "Omnibus Law" contains a wide, varied and massive delegation of legislative powers in favor of the National Executive Branch, to the point of importing a concentration of power in the head of the executive, to be able to implement without difficulties or delays the fierce adjustment measures against all workers.

The reforms it introduces to the legislation applicable to labor and pension matters are intended to criminalize strikes and social protests at such levels that they violate the most basic freedoms of any person. The modifications to the national public employment regime are also aimed at enabling dismissals within the National Public Administration and discouraging the exercise of the right to strike. Finally, the reforms to the pension system aim to further adjust the income of retirees, allocating funds from the pension system to pay the State's debts with its creditors.

These legislative reforms are inserted within the framework of greater adjustment, deregulation and shrinking of the State in terms of employment and social action, in a context of serious economic crisis, growth in poverty and resounding loss of the purchasing power of salaries and income. of the most vulnerable sectors. The project is aimed at strengthening and expanding the repressive apparatus of the State in a manner inversely proportional to the reduction in economic and social matters, in order to try to confront the growth of conflict and social protest that will inevitably awaken the adjustment policies that they continue to be implemented.

The (not so invisible) hand of the Market is accompanied by the strong hand of the State to achieve full freedom for the powerful to live at the expense of the working people, without the latter being able to use their weapons of struggle as a class. But the collective reaction to what is perceived as social injustice is part of the human essence, leaving it up to us that workers, retirees and other popular sectors organize in the streets and in the workplace to stop the adjustment and achieve better conditions. life conditions.

https://organizacion-obrera.fora.com.ar/2024/01/08/las-reformas-del-proyecto-de-ley-omnibus-en-materia-laboral-y-previsional/
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